The Sydney Morning Herald, 20 December 1860, p. 3
NOMINATION FOR CAMDEN
The nomination for this electorate was held at the Camden
court-house yesterday. The returning-officer, Mr. J. M. Antill, opened the
proceedings by reading the writ, and stated that, though the electors had
always taken great interest in the elections, they had done so in a spirit of
fairness, and he hoped that the same spirit would be evinced on the present
occasion.
Mr. JAMES K. CHISHOLM came forward to propose Mr. Oxley, and
said that, though he had been a resident amongst them for many years, he had
taken but a small part in political matters—not that he had not taken an
interest in the welfare of the country, but because his tastes led him in a
different direction. Mr. Oxley’s opinions were before the electors, and
whatever the electors might think of those opinions, they must at all events
give that gentleman credit for the straightforward way in which he had expressed
himself. It was not necessary for him to enter into the imagined advantages
that free selection was to confer—he should leave that task to the gentlemen
who were its advocates; but those advantages were imagined to be so numerous
that he wondered that the bill instead of being titled as it was, had not been
called “A Bill to give everybody everything.” The only thing he regretted to
see was the spirit of hostility that this measure had evoked between those who
supported it and those who, in their consciences, were opposed in principle to
Mr. Robertson and his proposal. And surely there was nothing about Mr.
Robertson that should make a measure infallible merely because it came from
him. And as to Mr. Oxley, he was not opposed to free selection (“after
survey”). After survey, not unfettered by those conditions which the proposed
bill would impose. And he would tell them that one, now in England (Mr. J.
Macarthur), who was well known to them as a firm and consistent patriot, was
strongly opposed to free selection. (“We will have him, but not his nominee.”
“Though we bow to Gesler, we will not do so to his hat.”) He would not detain
them longer, but would ask them whether they would prefer ignorance and
incompetency, to education and ability? He now proposed Mr. Henry Molesworth
Oxley as a fit and proper person to represent the Camden constituency.
Mr. W. K. ANTILL seconded the nomination.
Mr. JOHN BOULTON, who was received with cheers, said he had
to propose a gentleman who was not only in favour of Mr. Robertson’s Land Bill,
but was as out-and-out liberal, and prepared to support any measure for the
good of the country. (Hear, hear.) The opponents of the Land Bill had said this
country was not fitted for agriculture, but this was a great fallacy, and he
was surprised, considering the state of farming, that so much wheat and corn
was produced. (Hear, hear.) But he thought the sickness seen in our farming was
owing to the system of letting land, for when men had freeholds they would not
hesitate to make improvements, because the land was their own. But they would
not do this whilst they held land on lease. (Hear, hear.) He thought that if the
bill passed, they would be exporting instead of importing wheat, and that the
country would be materially benefited. He had therefore much pleasure in
proposing Mr. John Douglas as a fit and proper person to represent Camden in
the ensuing Parliament. (Great cheering.)
Mr. THOMAS HAINES seconded the resolution.
Mr. HENRY BADGERY proposed Mr. John Morrice, and said that
that gentleman was no stranger to them, and that all knew as well as he did how
honest and straightforward and liberal a man Mr. Morrice was. He was astonished
that the advantages of free selection had not been fully pointed out. Now he
quite admitted that the principle would operate against him to some extent; but
then, why should not the poor man have the same chance that he himself had
formerly had? It was nonsense to say that a man could buy land, for he (Mr. B.)
could tell them that, if he wanted a piece of land he went to the town with his
eye shut, and bought at any price, no matter how high. The poor man would never
have a chance were he (Mr. B.) wanted the ground; and for that reason he thought
that the person who wanted land to cultivate, but who had not such money as the
capitalist, should have a chance of getting it. As to the disputes that were
talked about, there was no fear of them, because there was a provision made for
settling all disputes by arbitration. Before concluding, he would wish to thank
them for the honour they had done him in the requisition they sent him to stand
for the district. He had not thought proper to comply with that requisition, as
he had no ambition in that direction. At the same time, had there not been two
liberal candidates in the field, he would have consented to free election
before survey, he would himself, at any sacrifice, have come forward as a
candidate, rather than see the district disfranchised.
Mr. HENRY DUNN seconded the nomination.
The OPPOSITION, who desired to give selection only after
survey, said that if satisfied with the nineteen counties, they would agree to
it; but it was well known that all the cream had been taken off those counties.
The fact was that all the quarrel was about the squatters, and yet Mr.
Robertson’s bill very honestly withdrew the squatters from the operation of
free selection until after the expiration of the present leases. The secret
then was this, that there were certain reserves in the unsettled districts over
which the selection was to be exercised, and the squatters, having the use of
these, did not wish to give them up. Then again, these reserves had been
already mapped, and must therefore have been surveyed, consequently, free
selection being confined to them, was not selection before survey. The runs
were reserved from selection, and if they had not been so, he knew that
Robertson and Cowper would have been scouted by the people of the country, for
the men of New South Wales were so imbued with the spirit of justice that they
would not have permitted an injury to be done to any class in the community.
But these reserves were now occupied by the squatters, who paid nothing for
them, and these it was proposed to throw open to the selection of persons desirous
of cultivating. And why should it not be so? They had now all families growing
up, they had all their children about them, and unless they had the means given
them of owning they would find that the social evil that now was so much
complained of in Sydney would soon extend to them. The only way of preventing
this was by giving the people room to spread, and the adoption of a liberal
land bill. In the early days of the colony, if a man only came here with
ploughs, harrows, and the means of cultivation, he at once got a grant of land,
and besides that servants to work it; then a price was put upon the land, and
it had to be bought at 5s. an acre; then that price was raised to 12s., and
afterwards to £1 an acre. And who had been the law-makers? Why, the large
landed proprietors. That had been the reason why the price had been put on and
afterwards raised, for they were afraid of the hard-working man getting a piece
of land in any way. There was now a chance of getting this altered, and it was
for the electors to say whether they were satisfied with things as they were
now, or whether they wished a change; if the former, they must vote for
selection after survey, if the latter election before survey. (Cheers.)
Mr. JOHN N. OXLEY said the principles of the gentleman he
had to oppose were so well known, that he would be excused from dilating upon
them. That gentleman was John Hubert Plunkett. He (Mr. Oxley) was of opinion
they ought to have free selection—(“Mr. Plunkett voted against it,” &c.)—and
said so at the last Narellan election. He believed it would be no injury to the
country. (“Why propose Plunkett—he voted against it.”) He voted for it, and for
all the liberal measures ever proposed in New South Wales. He had much pleasure
in proposing Mr. Plunkett as a fit and proper person.
Mr. JOHN WILD seconded the nomination.
Mr. OXLEY came forward, no manifestation of feeling being
made beyond a cry by an elector, “You see we are very quiet.” He said, although
he had been told that he would not be heard in Camden, yet he had been assured
that in throwing himself on the good sense of the electors he would meet with
such a reception as a gentleman should receive, and as they should give;
consequently, though he had never imagined that he would be greeted with rounds
of applause, yet he knew that they would give him a fair hearing, and that was
the utmost he desired. He was quite sure that under any circumstances the
majority of the electors would give him a fair hearing. (“Yes, we will hear
you, and vote against you afterwards.”) That they could do if they liked; all
he wished was to vindicate his conduct, and if they would be patient for a
short time he would not detain them long. He would now say that he had not
taken an active part in this contest; on the contrary, he had allowed those
opposed to him to promulgate all the lies about him that they thought proper.
(No, no.) He repeated it, they had misrepresented everything ever he had said
or done, and had done the same by the action of those with whom, when in the
House, he had acted. (“No, no.”) He had not deemed it worth his while to reply
to these attacks, because he knew when they had put the last stone upon the
building, their edifice would be so unsubstantial, that the more material they
used, the more easily would he be able to throw it down. (Cheers and “no.”) He
would explain every portion of his conduct, and then when they had heard him
and what he had to say, if they chose to believe his detractors in preference
to him, all he could say was that he should be sorry for their infatuity,
whilst at the same time he should take no further trouble in the matter,
because he should feel that he had done all that was required of him.
[Oxley’s speech continues at considerable length on free
selection, Robertson’s Land Bill and the Cowper Government.]
Mr. Douglas’s speech
Mr. DOUGLAS, who was received with great cheering, said they
would understand the state of excitement in which he had been waiting, and
would forgive him for saying he was rather agitated—(hear, hear)—upon stepping
upon a platform upon which he was to receive his sentence. (Hear, hear.) There
were certain duties and privileges they had to impose upon them, and also
certain penalties. He stood under some disadvantages compared with the other
candidates. They had all known three of these gentlemen. They knew Mr. Oxley,
who had lived amongst them as a gentleman and a farmer, and had represented
them before—(hear, hear)—and however they had differed from him on public
questions, they must still entertain a private regard for him. (Cheers.) Mr.
Morrice was similarly situated. He had lived twenty years amongst them, and all
he possessed had been acquired by his own industry—(hear, hear, and cheers)—and
he must therefore receive their sympathy. Another gentleman, who had been
brought forward at the last moment, must receive their sympathy, whatever his
opinions on public questions might be. (Hear, hear.) He had lived long amongst
them, and was associated with them in public events, and was endeared to them
all on account of his personal integrity. (Cheers.)
He therefore, a mere naked stranger amongst such men, known
to them all, must feel somewhat embarrassed; but though they had not promised
to receive his verdict, he trusted it would not be upon him. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) He did not want to be politically extinguished,—let them not kill him,
or string him up upon this place of execution. (Laughter.) He was young, and
there were others fitter to meet their fate than he. (Cheers and laughter.) He
was sure they would regret their fate; but if they gave him life for their
death he would promise them they should not feel they had lost by so doing.
(Cheers.)
Since he last met them at different meetings, the opinions
of the country had been fully and freely expressed on this great question. Mr.
Oxley had said that he should not have feared if the question had been put
fully before the country. How could it have been put more distinctly than
during the last three weeks? (Hear, hear, and cheers.) And what was the result?
He believed there was no doubt of it—the verdict was this, that wherever there
might be the cant term free selection—for he admitted there was some cant in
the term—by which it was understood that every man should have the liberty and
right to go where he liked and choose where he should make his home, so long as
he did not interfere with any vested interest or promise given, the country had
pronounced in favour of that free selection. (Cheers.)
And, therefore, he came there to bear testimony to this
bill, which was not a subversive and revolutionary bill as had been stated.
(Hear, hear.) He came there not to testify that in his belief it was a sound
and conservative a measure as could be possibly passed. He knew of no right
which it infringed. He had read that morning a speech made by Mr. Forster at
Queanbeyan. He accepted that gentleman and Mr. Hay as the leading opponents of
the measure. Speaking of the bill, Mr. Forster said that in all free legislation
upon the subject of the land, it would be right to repeal all the old land
regulations, as they were absurd. He (Mr. Douglas) said that Mr. Robertson’s
bill was grafted on the old stock, and that in a good world some of anything
that was not grafted on an old stock. (Hear, hear.) Were they not to make use
of the experience of the past? He found the great conservative leader of this
country broaching the most arrant revolutionary doctrines. (“The people would
not have him at Queanbeyan.”) He was sorry that gentleman was not returned, and
he would give credit to him for great earnestness and honesty of purpose. He
did not think him wise, for he was devoid of that fine temper a public man
ought to possess. No man should be a representative of the people who was not
prepared to take rubs with a good grace. (Hear, hear.) He believed that it was
the old English spirit; he was taught to cultivate it when he was at school,
and he hoped to see more and more of it in this country. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. Oxley had asserted that the principle of free selection
before survey was particularly upset by Mr. Hay’s amendment. (Mr. Oxley: “I
said the principle was affirmed by passing the 18th clause with the
amendment.”) He did not know anything of what was understood, but took it as it
was before the country. (Hear, hear.) There was no sufficient definition given
to the amendment to justify the House in accepting it, and therefore he said
Mr. Robertson and the Ministry were right in going to the country upon it.
(Cheers.) It had been asserted also that free selection after survey would meet
the difficulties of the country. He said it would not. Free selection after
survey here existed, and there was half a million of acres now surveyed and
ready for selection, if any man would like to go and find out where it was.
Therefore the principle had been tried and found wanting. (Hear, hear.)
What was the great objection made to free selection before
survey? It was said, amongst other things, that it would destroy the great
pastoral interests and the established interests of the country. He believed
that to be an absurdity. (Hear, hear.) One-eighth of the whole territory of New
South Wales would be thrown open, which was larger than many European kingdoms,
and was not so suitable for pastoral as for agricultural purposes. In that
portion a right had little having ceased, he thought Mr. Robertson would have
been wanting in his duty to the country to have allowed it to have reverted
absolutely to any individual except under a new title. (Hear, hear.)
As to the destruction of the pastoral interests, they could
take Victoria as an example. True, they had not there free selection before
survey; but for the last few years a large amount of land had been sold there
greater than had been disposed of here, though the territory was smaller than
that of New South Wales. They would suppose, if the reasoning were sound, that
the pastoral interests there would be destroyed. But the pastoral produce had
been actually increasing in Victoria, and stock was increasing in a ratio which
was beginning to alarm the pastoral holders themselves. (“Using the pot.”) That
might be considered as a safe guide, and as a proof that they would not be
rushing on to destruction.
Some persons, too, objected to the bill on the ground of the
difficulties that would arise as to boundaries, and said that the system of
free selection would be experimental, and therefore why should we try it. He
said it was not an experiment but had been tried in other cases on the
gold-fields, and in the squatting districts, and had been found effectual, and
could be worked without difficulty. Free selection had existed for ten years on
the gold-fields—(hear, hear)—and he would defy any one to say it had not worked
successfully. Of course disputes had arisen, and where could they expect a
Elysian place for them than on a small spot of ground where untold riches were
hid beneath the soil, and upon which thousands of men had congregated. (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) He did not say disputes and mistakes had not arisen, but the
miners with that good feeling inherent in Englishmen where there was a doubt or
a difficulty had appealed to the legally constituted authorities. (Cheers.)
And in the interior no squatting runs had been taken up
except under free selection. (Hear, hear.) The squatters had gone out and taken
up immense tracts of land, marking their boundaries; and he believed it was a
sound system, and produced good results. Occasionally, no doubt, litigation had
arisen after the decision of a commissioner, but that was only the exception to
prove the rule. He would say now with regard to this free selection—“Beware if
offences should arise out of this Land Bill.” (Hear, hear.) They might bear
their opponents say, “The grand bill you have passed has done no good—why that
upsets the whole system.” Let them not believe it. (Hear, hear.) He believed it
was a true and good measure of reform. (Hear, hear.)
In all measures of reform there was not complete
satisfaction. After the passing of measures of reform in England, there had
been people who said, “We have fought for them and yet they are not fruitful of
great results.” But they were not to be depressed by any passing
difficulties—(hear, hear)—but would appeal to time to test the measure.
(Cheers.) He said now, if they did so, they would find this a safe, great, and
good measure of reform. (Cheers.)
There were men who had swelled majorities who did not
understand this question, and who thought a home would be provided for them
under this bill; but those who heard him, the hard working men, knew that this
was a mistake and a most fallacious one, and that it would take hard work ere a
home could be made. (Cheers and a cry “The poor man’s friend.”) He regretted
deeply that in this election they had heard of the poor and the rich man, and
of the capitalist. (Hear, hear.) He promised, if returned, that he would never
soil his lips with the distinction of the poor and the rich. (Cheers.) He
appeared there as a simple man amongst men (cheers); and he knew that if he
justified their rights as men, that was all they would ask. (Loud cheers.)
The question of the Upper House was an important one. Even
if the Land Bill was passed in the Lower House he had great doubts that it
would pass in the Upper, unless there was a great deal of pressure. (Hear,
hear.) There were prejudiced men in that House, blind to the interests of the
country, and who did not possess the confidence of the people—(hear, hear)—and
who would not pass the measure. Therefore, the question of that House was of
equal if not of greater importance than the land question. (Hear, hear, and
“Synod Bill.”)
He believed that the bill, so far as he understood it, for
he had not read it, was intended to enable the Church of England (which
laboured under some disadvantage in consequence of her connection with the
Church at home) to carry out certain reforms necessary. He should not like to
confer any power upon any one denomination not possessed by another. (Cheers.)
He thought the Church of England here should be the Church of Australia—(hear,
hear)—and, to carry out that idea, possibly it might be necessary to have an
Imperial enactment.
On the question of education he might say that he had voted
with a small minority on Mr. Cowper’s Privy Council system of education, and
now his opponents were out of office. He voted for it avowedly acknowledging
there were many things in the bill which ought to be altered. (Hear, hear.) One
decided objection to it was that the Ministry for the time being would
constitute the Board of Education for the whole country. That was also the case
in England. Having voted for this system, of course he should be more inclined
to vote for it again, for he believed it was fraught with good to the country.
He did not think education should be made altogether a
question of schools. There were many forms of education not given at schools.
The mere learning to read and write would not constitute a good education. To
educate the people there were many other institutions, and one of them he
should like to say a few words upon. (Hear, hear.) That was the Volunteer
system, which in England had succeeded in arousing a great national feeling.
When they found Lord Palmerston associated with a Volunteer corps, then they
had an education and an institution for the people superior to many political
institutions they heard so much about. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He should like
to foster that feeling—a military feeling amongst the people; for he believed
that no good could come to a free people unless they were armed, and that was
the feeling in England. (Hear, hear.) That was not associated with a warlike
feeling. Still men felt the noblest emotions of the heart nourished by the fact
that they were prepared to die for their country. (Cheers.) If they sent him to
Parliament they would never have cause to repent their choice. (“We will, we
will!”)
He came honestly before them with no object to gain. It had
been said that he came as Mr. Cowper’s nominee, but the charge was ludicrous.
(Hear, hear.) He had had great pleasure in acting with Mr. Cowper, but he had
never slavishly served him—(cheers)—nor would he do so. He would rather serve
them than any man (hear, hear); but he did not forget the interests of party,
and that to some extent he must merge his individual feeling for the sake of
advancing some great object, although he might not agree with it in all its
particulars. (Hear, hear.)
The other day a man took him by the hand after he had
discussed matters of interest with him, and giving a warm grasp, for he was a
brawny Irishman, and said “Sir, I hope you won’t deceive us.” (Hear, hear.) He
hoped he never should. (Cheers.) He might not agree with them, but he should
never deceive them. (Loud cheers.) The man said further, “We have had some
representatives whom I believe in. I wear them here now, in my heart.”
(Cheers.) He thought the man spoke feelingly. (Hear, hear.) If they pleased to
return him, and one man here, afterwards, could say that he wore me in his
heart, he should be satisfied. (Cheers.) No ambition could be so satisfactory
in the thought that, by his conduct, he should be able to endear himself in
their free hearts. (Loud and continued cheering.)
Mr. MORRICE, who was also received with cheering, said that
at the last nomination he was a stranger to the most of them. Since then they
had had time enough to know and learn what had been his course of life since he
had been in the colony. (Cheers.) He had been here for twenty-six years. In the
prime part of his life he had prepared the same life as themselves, and had
gone through all the slavery of the colony, and knew their wants as well as any
man in the colony. (Cheers.) He came before them to serve them truly if they
sent him to Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The principal question before the public
now was that of free selection, and it was now in their hands to decide whether
they would have a home of their own, or be tenants to landlords all their lives.
(Hear, hear.) He read Mr. Robertson’s Land Bill as soon as it came out, and
considered it one of the honestest bills ever brought before the House. Their
interest he studied there. (Hear, hear.) He respected Mr. Macarthur as much as
any man in the colony, but was opposed to his sending in any nominee, as his
(Mr. Morrice’s) interest was at stake as well as theirs. (Hear, hear.) He was
determined, if no one else would oppose Mr. Macarthur’s nominee, that he
would—(hear, hear),—and when he found no one else in the colony bold enough to
do it, he came forward. He considered that the bill, whilst it protected the
squatting interest, provided a homestead and freehold for every one who chose
to take advantage of it, and opened out a field for emigration. (Cheers.)
Queensland had established a pretty liberal land system, and Victoria also, and
it was the duty of our Government to establish a more liberal one, so as to
induce the people to settle on the lands, and others to come to the country. He
did not deny that he was a squatter himself; and had a reserve on his own run.
(Hear, hear.) He had no doubt they remembered that in the address he put
forward last year, he was in favour of deferred payments, and that all the
reserves in the unsettled districts should be thrown open to free selection.
(Cheers.)
In answer to the question “Are you in favour of the Synod
Bill?” Mr. Morrice said that if he went into Parliament he went to represent
the whole and not a section of the community, and consequently could not
support a bill not generally applicable. If they had anything else to ask him,
he was quite prepared to answer it; but he had only to say that if they elected
him they would find that he would serve them honestly and conscientiously.
He might however observe that the question of the
maintenance of the principal highway of the colony was one of as much
importance to the constituencies as any other that could come before the House.
The matter had very recently come most pressingly under his notice, for having
just come through Bargo Brush, he had found the road in such a dreadful state
that he had really pitied both man and beast that had to journey through it—he
could not say over it. The present state of the roads was a scandal and a shame,
and showed more than anything the necessity for having in office practical men,
instead of mere drawing clerks.
In answer to another question, Mr. Morrice said he went into
the Assembly with a view to support the Land Bill, and support it he would,
whether in the hands of the present or any other Ministry.
The candidate retired amidst loud cheering.
The RETURNING-OFFICER then called for a show of hands in
favour of the respective candidates, which show he declared to be in favour of
Mr. Douglas, Mr. Morrice. A poll was demanded by Mr. Oxley, when the
returning-officer stated that the polling would take place on Friday, and that
he would announce the final state of the poll on Saturday at noon.
On the motion of Mr. DOUGLAS three cheers were given for the returning-officer, three for Mr. Douglas, three for Mr. Morrice, and finally three times three for the Queen, after which the meeting dispersed.
