Eastern Downs Election. Nomination Day - June 1867

The Eastern Downs Election — Nomination Day

Warwick Argus and Tenterfield Chronicle, Friday, 21 June 1867, p. 2.

The nomination of candidates to represent the electorate of Eastern Downs in the new Parliament, took place here on Tuesday at noon. Hustings had been specially erected for the occasion, as it was judged there would not be sufficient room in the Court House to carry out the proceedings properly, and afford accommodation for the large assemblage anticipated to be present. The weather, however, proved most unpropitious, the rain coming down, as it had done for about twelve hours previously, with a cold, uncomfortable steadiness. It being, therefore, impossible to conduct the proceedings out of doors, the Returning-officer decided to make use of the Court House, which was densely crowded before twelve o'clock, and many were unable to gain admission. At the appointed hour,

The RETURNING-OFFICER (D. M. Sinclair, Esq., P.M.) rose, and stated that that was the third time within nine months on which they had met to elect a representative to serve them for the electorate of Eastern Downs. He then read the writ received from His Excellency, and concluded by calling upon the electors to nominate candidates.

Mr. JAMES MORGAN rose and proposed the Hon. John Douglas as a fit and proper person to represent the electorate of Eastern Downs in the ensuing Parliament. He regretted that the gentleman who had so gracefully performed the duty on the previous occasion was not there to perform the same duty that day. Every act of Mr. Douglas's past Parliamentary career was such as ought to gain the confidence of all the electors, and every one who had the interest of his family at heart would, he hoped, follow his example, by voting for Mr. Douglas.

Mr. SIMON MAYER rose to second the nomination, and endorsed the views of the previous speaker, concluding by saying that he hoped on polling day each and every one would vote for Mr. Douglas. (Cheers.)

The RETURNING-OFFICER then called upon any other elector to propose another candidate, when, after an interval of about two or three minutes, the audience staring wonderingly one at another, expecting that Mr. Green had retired from the field,

Mr. JAMES M'INTOSH proposed that Mr. Charles Henry Green was a fit and proper person to represent the electorate of Eastern Downs in the ensuing Parliament.

Mr. J. WINSTONE seconded the motion.

The RETURNING-OFFICER called for a show of hands on behalf of the candidates, and declared the result to be in favour of Mr. Douglas. (Loud cheers.)

Mr. GREEN demanded a poll, and was met by great uproar, which lasted for several minutes. He attempted to make some remarks, but the noise was such as to drown his voice.

The RETURNING-OFFICER here interfered, and called the attention of the audience on behalf of the candidates who rose to address them.

The Hon. J. DOUGLAS then rose, and was met by rapturous applause. He said—Mr. Returning-Officer, and Electors of Eastern Downs—the reception you have given me to-day affords me some amends for the disappointment I feel that the gentlemen who on a former occasion proposed and seconded me with so much pleasure as a fit and proper person to represent you in Parliament have now joined the ranks in the hostile camp. Those who then professed to support me now oppose me, and it is some satisfaction to me that from the reception with which I have been met to-day, I can rely upon your suffrages on the present occasion. I am most anxious that the contest should be conducted in the most friendly spirit. My opponents are almost all my personal friends. The only difference between us has been that of politics, and I hope no other difference will ever occur between us. But, gentlemen, I am not here to serve friends—I am here to serve the public. (Cheers.) I did expect that on this occasion we should have had something that would relieve the solemn tedium usual on occasions like the present. I did expect from the opposition that something would have been said to lead you to believe that I was unworthy to be your representative; instead of that, we had a few bald words which neither show that I am unworthy, nor that the gentlemen who oppose me is worthy of your support. In exposing the inconsistency of my opponents, I will read the terms in which Mr. Chas. Clark, on the last occasion, proposed me as a fit and proper person to represent you in the Legislative Assembly. (He then read an extract from the Warwick Argus, speaking of him—Mr. Douglas—in the most superlative terms.) I now understand that both these gentlemen who proposed and seconded me are determined to turn me out, and have signed a requisition to Mr. Green to come forward and oust me if possible from the proud position of being your representative. (Mr. Green here rose and denied the imputation.) I am almost ashamed that a gentleman who, under such feelings of pleasure, could state that there was no man other than myself whom they could choose to represent them who could do it so well—that, in fact, I was “the most rising statesman in Queensland.” (Cheers.) I am sure, gentlemen, you will excuse all my blushes in the face of such redundant terms of compliment from Mr. Charles Clark. Surely I must have done something very dreadful when I see these gentlemen now arrayed against me. What have I done to merit this censure? (A Voice: You did not give them run enough.) Gentlemen, I now come to the question, which above all questions is now agitating your minds. Our land policy is the mainstay at issue at the present time. Mr. Green tells you that it was in consequence of my action in reference to certain offices of the State which I hold that he now opposes me. Do you believe it? (A Voice: No.) No more do I. (Cheers.) I tell you it is not a matter of indifference to any elector present whether or not I am elected for the Eastern Downs. It is not a personal matter, but affects the well-being of the colony at large, for you are struggling to assert those rights which you have never hitherto possessed. A gross system of mismanagement has hitherto prevailed, and it is only now that the people are beginning to feel their power and indicate their will to exercise it. I will now tell you the real reason of all this opposition. The fact is, that the Government had taken such action in connection with the Crown Lands, that these gentlemen did not like it, and all sorts of objections were taken to the Reserves which had been recently proclaimed. It had been repeatedly asserted that these lands so reserved were unfitted for agricultural purposes; but I simply assert that such is not the case. (The speaker then shortly referred to the subject of a Commonage for Warwick, and said that the question was too complicated to discuss its merits then, but he would state, on the part of the Government, that when the question was fairly before the House it would be properly adjusted.) The speaker then entered upon some very humorous remarks with regard to Mr. Green's liberality, which called forth great laughter, and after some bantering and uproar silence was restored.) Did you ever know anything wrong with me in discharge of the functions of my office as a magistrate amongst you? (A Voice: No!) You have known me in my place in the Legislature of Queensland. Did I ever do anything to dishonour my pledge, or forfeit your esteem? And when your interests were neglected, was I not the only one who stood forward in your defence? If you want to pick a quarrel with me in reference to the Warwick and Toowoomba Railway, you can do so if you like, or if any other elector has anything against me in connection with this electorate, let him come forward and state it. (Great applause.) You have now important principles to decide. If the party now dominant is to be dominant still, and you reject me as your representative, I must accept your verdict; but it will not be the verdict of the country. Their triumph will only be short-lived, and the result must be that the principles which I seek to be established will be established firmly. In this particular portion of the colony there might be corruption, but nevertheless the cause would not be lost. (The speaker sat down amidst loud applause.)

Mr. CHAS. CLARK rose, and wished to put a few questions. Having read a letter in the Warwick Argus, signed F. A. Cooper, he asked the candidate if it was written with either his sanction or knowledge.

Mr. DOUGLAS emphatically said “No!”

The same question was repeated with reference to an advertisement in the same paper, headed: “Vote for Douglas and Cooper,” to which Mr. Douglas replied that he had no connection with Mr. Cooper, either privately or politically, but stood upon his own footing.

Mr. MARSHAL, amidst great uproar, asked if, in the event of his being rejected for the Eastern Downs, he intended to stand for the town electorate?

Mr. DOUGLAS replied that if rejected, he should not stand for any other electorate.

Mr. GEORGE CLARK asked whether the candidate was prepared to do away with the restrictions in the Agricultural Reserves.

Mr. DOUGLAS replied that he was not prepared to do anything of the sort, as, in his opinion, cultivation and occupation restrictions were most important for the future well-being of the country. There were thousands of acres of land at the heads of certain creeks suitable for agriculture which it was of vast importance should be kept open.

Mr. GEORGE CLARK put a lengthy question regarding what should be done with the land on the west side of the railway, to which Mr. DOUGLAS replied that he would advocate the throwing open of all good watered country, whether black soil or not, so as to extend the settled districts of the colony.

Mr. GEORGE CLARKE asked the candidate if he was prepared, in the event of a re-distribution of seats, to advocate for a member for the four centres?

Mr. DOUGLAS said he believed that the town boundary was a very improper one. He believed population to be the only true basis whereon to define the electorates, but he would not give a special member to farmers more than to blacksmiths or bushcrushers. (Laughter.)

Mr. C. H. GREEN then came forward and after returning thanks to Mr. Douglas for his courtesy, said—I can take no exception to anything he has uttered. I was his friend almost as soon as he came to the country, and though we may differ on the ground of politics, I trust no other difference will ever arise between us. I should however, have liked to have heard Mr. Douglas say something about the enormous indebtedness of the colony. I should have liked him to have told us how the sum of £225,000 annually, as interest on the sale of our debentures is to be met. By his silence on this point I think he has somewhat shirked the question. The amount of our indebtedness is something enormous, and Mr. Douglas, of all others, was in the best position to explain what the Government intended to do to get us out of the mess in which they had involved us. Why should such an amount for the payment of interest on the sale of debentures go out of the country? Mr. Douglas took great credit to himself for his consistency, but if that consistency had been fully believed in, there would have been no opposition to him that day. Mr. Douglas had opposed the Warwick Railway, and he never changed his tactics until he became a Minister of the Crown. Is that consistency? I well recollect last Christmas morning last, when Mr. Douglas called upon me at Goomburra. The very first question I asked was, “What are you going to do about the Warwick Railway?” His reply was, “I have joined the present Ministry, and henceforth their policy must be my policy,” and afterwards we suddenly find him carrying out the very work he had previously opposed. Is that consistency? Then as to his resigning the Treasurership upon the ground that he could not agree with the policy of the Government regarding the question of Immigration, which he had declared to be the most important question of the day, and immediately afterwards accepting office with the same Ministry, was another piece of gross inconsistency. He knew perfectly well that as Colonial Treasurer it would suit not his book to receive land orders instead of cash, and his course of procedure was simply removing the difficulties of his position to other shoulders, and at the same time securing his own pay as a Minister of the Crown. All that Mr. Douglas had explained with regard to the course he had adopted, was that it was understood between Mr. Macalister and himself that the question of immigration should remain an open one. If he could not agree with the policy of the Government as Treasurer, how could he conscientiously remain with them as Minister for Works, when the policy they were about to adopt was identically the same he had avowedly denounced. You do not require any renewal of immigration under any system whatever. When our railways are finished we shall have labour enough to last us for at least two years to come, without any fresh immigrants landing on our shores. Whence did all this gross mismanagement arise? Did it not arise with the Government of which Mr. Douglas was a member? (Interruption, Mr. Douglas denying that he was responsible, as he had not long been a member of the Government.) Who sent to England for railway stations and plant when there were hundreds of men out of employment who could have built these stations? Why, the Government of which Mr. Douglas was a member. Who had spent £16,000 for a station at Ipswich, and £28,000 for that at Toowoomba? Why, the Government of which Mr. Douglas was a member. (Mr. Douglas here explained that the total cost of all the stations would not exceed £50,000.) Who was it that had spent a vast amount of money in the erection of that monument of extravagance and folly, the Council Chambers in Brisbane? Why, the Government of which Mr. Douglas was a member. (Interruption.) I will now say a few words upon the Impounding Act. (Groaning and uproar.) I do not agree with its present provisions. I have been accused of impounding to a great degree from Goomburra, but within six years I have only sent cattle to the Warwick pound seven times; and I defy you to prove that I ever sent a horned beast to the Allora pound in my life. I have heard a piteous tale of a poor old woman with fifteen children, whose cows I am represented to have impounded, but as I never in my life sent a beast to the Allora pound, the charge does not affect me much. After all, the main question is the land question, and my idea is, that the squatter should hold the land until the people require it for other purposes than that of grazing. I think the change should be a gradual one, and the time has now arrived when the squatter ought to give way. I prefer the homœpathic treatment to the allopathic system of blistering and bleeding. We have however, nothing but our lands to fall back upon, and those lands must be sold, no matter who holds them, to pay our debts. Every squatter's interest is as much involved as that of the agriculturist. With respect to the recent proclamation of Reserves, Mr. Douglas has stated that the cause of my opposition is that I do not agree with it. Such is not the case. If one word from me to-morrow morning would do away with those Reserves, I would not utter it. The value of these lands has been very much over-rated, as many of the electors well know. There was more good land on the other side of the railway, and the time has arrived when the whole of these lands ought to be reserved. (Mr. Douglas: They can be.) The conduct of the Government with reference to Mr. Hill's report has not been bona fide. He (Mr. Hill) had done his work openly, honestly, and as a man, and if you return me as your representative, I shall at once recommend that the whole of that report be carried out in its integrity. To a certain extent I agree with Mr. Douglas. (Great interruption, which rendered the speaker inaudible for some minutes). If I find the sense of the House to be in favour of all the black soil being at once thrown open, I shall not be against it. I shall also advocate that those farmers who have taken up land under the old Act at 6d. an acre shall have those lands placed under the operation of the present Leasing Act, and the money they have paid in rent to be appropriated to the purchase of the fee-simple. I believe too much extravagance has been manifested in conducting our public works. Every man in office must be carefully watched, and every sixpence carefully expended. Any one returned as your member must advocate the principle of retrenchment, beginning at the top. I do not advocate taking off £10 from the salary of a poor clerk; retrenchment should commence with the high officers of the State. As long as we are indebted to the extent we are, economy must be the order of the day, and we could hardly expect those men to reduce their own salaries to meet the exigencies of the colony. I thank you for having listened to me so patiently, and I ask the electors who came here to listen to the candidates before you to judge between us. (The speaker sat down amidst cheers.)

The RETURNING-OFFICER then announced that the poll would take place on Friday (to-day), commencing at nine o'clock a.m., and closing at 4 p.m.

Three cheers were then given for the Returning-Officer, and Mr. Douglas followed by mixed cheers and groans for Mr. Green.

Mr. DOUGLAS proposed a vote of thanks to the Returning-Officer for his conduct on the occasion, which was seconded by Mr. GREEN, and carried with acclamation.

The Returning-Officer having briefly returned thanks, the meeting separated.

John Douglas addressing electors at Warwick - May 1867

 MR. DOUGLAS AT WARWICK.

Warwick Argus and Tenterfield Chronicle, Friday, 31 May 1867, p. 2.

The Honourable John Douglas, the member for Eastern Downs, met his constituents here on Tuesday evening, for the purpose of explaining to them his reasons for having accepted a new position in the Government, and to show on what ground he had acted in the matter. The Court House was crowded to excess, and his Worship the Mayor (Mr. Morgan) was unanimously voted to the chair.

The CHAIRMAN, in accepting the honour, said that it would be unnecessary for him to say anything on the subjects about to be brought before them, but would at once call on their worthy representative to address the meeting.

The Honourable J. DOUGLAS (who on coming forward was received with great applause) said that it was perhaps rather early in the day for him to address the electors on political matters, but he felt it his duty, in consequence of late events which had arisen, to explain to them the circumstances under which they had occurred, and to show them the grounds on which he had acted. He had been many years connected with their district, and they could not but be aware of the deep interest he felt in its welfare. He had the honour of being their representative in the New South Wales House of Assembly, and, from being so long connected with the Eastern Downs, had always looked on the district as more especially his own. He would claim their attention in the few words he should address to them that evening, in order to explain to them the exact position of political affairs, as he viewed them at the present time. When he had the honour of being elected by them, unopposed, some short time since, he went into the Assembly untrammelled with any special pledges made to his constituents, and during the brief term he had been in office he could safely affirm that he had done his duty with profit and advantage both to his constituents and the whole colony. This was no mean boast on his part, for he had the assistance of able and honest men to support him, and at a time when the colony was placed in a most critical position. (Hear, hear.) He need not inform them of the financial difficulties in which the colony was placed when he accepted office as Treasurer; he, however, could conscientiously say that he had not failed in any respect, so far as laid in his power to fulfil the office faithfully. When Parliament met, the country was in a most critical state, and the greatest anxiety was felt by all persons as to the means which would be devised to release them in the best manner from such a position. Unfortunately, the Government were, at the outset, met with a direct vote of want of confidence; their measures were impugned, and some went so far as to state that they were unworthy to occupy the place of Ministers; and considerable distrust and disunion were disseminated amongst all parties. Only a few days previously he had felt it his duty to tender his resignation as Colonial Treasurer, but the only question on which he based his difference of opinion with his colleagues was, that he considered one, if not the most important, of the questions before the country. He referred to immigration. It might not perhaps have been such at the moment, but it assuredly was, as affecting the future general policy of the country. They were greatly in debt, more largely in proportion to the population, perhaps, than any colony in the world. His duty, therefore, was to devise means to meet their liabilities, and the best mode of doing so. What was nominally a land order system had, in reality, been so much money deducted from the Treasury, and, considering the fact that there were even now in circulation £140,000 worth of land orders, he could not, with that fact before him, consent to adopt a revenue which would immensely increase that amount and detract from the income of the colony.

But he also disagreed with regard to the issue raised on another most important point, which was, the propriety, at the present time, of inducing a large influx of population under the land order system. His opinion was, that that sort of immigration was at present overdone, and for the reason that hundreds were leaving their shores, and he might say that hundreds remaining could not find means of subsistence. (Hear, hear.) In the face of these facts, and as it was well known that in the seaport towns there were some actually starving, he could not conscientiously see his way clear to induce an increase of population by offering the inducements of land orders. (Hear, hear.) He frankly stated to his colleagues that he could not belong to the Government if such a policy on that question were pursued. He was at once met in an equally candid manner by his friend and colleague, Mr. Macalister, who admitted that under the views expressed, he could not expect him (Mr. Douglas) to remain a party to it, but gave him an opportunity to still remain in the Government by accepting office as Minister for Works, and leaving him to express his opinion on immigration when the subject was brought forward, thereby making that an open question. In accepting the Department of Works, he felt that he was acting right. There was no other party in the House which he could have joined. Could he possibly have agreed with Mr. Pring, who stated that it would be one hundred years before a population could be settled on the Darling Downs? Could he agree with Mr. Mackenzie, who maintained that the colony is inevitably going headlong to destruction. He believed nothing of the kind, but that affairs had arrived at the turning point, and would, ere long, improve for the better. It had even been asserted that he clung to office for pecuniary considerations, but those who said so well knew that it was false. He had for several years been a public servant, but had not yet held office for one year; and his detractors well knew that his principles were never subservient to place. He, however, well knew the power of office, and was fully aware of how much greater use he was both to the district and the country by being in office. It was most essential that there should be a Minister for Works, and he thought he could be useful as such. There were large contracts being carried out, and very heavy payments to be made, and which necessitated the employment of a responsible Minister; and he could conscientiously and fearlessly affirm that during the time he held office he had saved far more to the country than anything in comparison with the amount of his official salary. On accepting the Department of Works, it was held by a large majority of the Assembly that he thereby vacated office, and ought to come before his constituents for re-election. Such, however, was not necessary, and would have been a distinct violation of the written laws of the country. It was specially laid down that it was not necessary; but in the face of that and the adverse vote given by the Assembly, the Ministry felt they had no chance but to accept it as a direct condemnation of their policy, and advised the Governor to dissolve Parliament, as they felt confident that it would be utterly useless to attempt to introduce any of the measures they proposed, or perform any duties as Ministers until after an appeal to the country. The Ministry would shortly appear before their constituents, and all he would ask them was, that whatever opinions might be expressed, let them elicit full particulars, decide the issue on their just merits, and give a verdict accordingly. (Hear, hear.)

He would now refer to a subject which was of the very greatest interest to them—the land question. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) When he last had the honor of addressing them, a Leasing Act had been introduced, and would, it was supposed, confer the greatest benefit on them. The Act, however, had not worked up to the expectation formed of it, although he fully believed it would yet do so. The law was intended to forward the introduction of both capital and labour to the colony; it had a dual effect, in dealing with Crown lands passed at auction and also agricultural reserves. Large surveys were carried out, and were still being made, to meet the requirements of both small farmers and those who intend to cultivate on a large scale, and combine stock farming with agriculture. Shortly after the Act came in force a large quantity of land had been offered, and what was the result? It was this, that the former purchasers under the preemptive system again became the purchasers, and there was no infusion of new blood into the occupation and settlement of the country. The result of late land sales, both in that district and also in Drayton and Toowoomba, fully bore out his statement, that the purchasers in preemptive continued to purchase. He did not say this in disparagement of the purchasers, but the fact was plain before them that large alienations were made in favour of those who had previously monopolised the land. The result was that no satisfaction was felt by the people in the result of the Land Bill, and if this went on, the whole of the Darling Downs would soon be alienated in a similar manner. The question then for the Government to consider was, whether in order to avoid this, and prevent this monopoly of choice lands, there should be large Agricultural Reserves proclaimed. Such had now been done, and the whole of the country lying on the east of the railway line to beyond Warwick had therefore been proclaimed. The Government considered they had acted right in doing so. This was no new-fangled idea or measure; it had for some long time been under their consideration, and the matter had long been talked of and agitated both in and out of the House; and the Government, in consequence of the working of the Leasing Act, had considered that the time had at length come when some decided steps should be taken in the matter. (Hear, hear, and loud applause.) It had been said that the proclaiming of this reserve was a mere political dodge, done in the face of a general election, and that after that was over the proclamation would be withdrawn; but the Government had no intention of acting so, and there was not the slightest chance of their taking retrogressive steps in the matter, and he would pledge them on his honor as a Minister of the Crown that such would not be done. He could also most emphatically pledge his colleagues to this statement, and they had no intention whatever on their part to step back one inch. The Government believed they had done right, and that their action had been well considered, and was founded both on justice and expediency. He asked the electors to take the Reserve in which they were most interested, and what they did find? (A voice: “Lots of sheep.”) True, a large amount of it had been especially purchased by gentlemen, and small blame to them, who knew the value of that land. It was now about twenty-five years ago since that country had been occupied and a succession of occupants had made a succession of fortunes, throughout the whole breadth of the country, from Eton Vale to Canning Downs. He believed they should not have been so easily made at the public expense, it was a matter of policy which he had ever opposed. Let the occupants of this land consider the favourable circumstances under which, for so many years, they enjoyed the use of these lands. They were now required for other purposes, and he trusted that the gentlemen who had reaped so much benefit from them would not be so unpatriotic—so selfish and so blind—as to stand in the way of the people, and the progress of the settlement of the colony. (Loud cheers.) Those gentlemen had largely availed themselves of their preemptive right; they were no longer squatters, they were landed proprietors, and he sincerely trusted and believed that, as such, they would now be willing to concede and grant equal rights to others who have been placed in less favourable circumstances. Another class the colony must have, if the landed proprietors were to be supported—yeoman and small farmers. He recollected when in Scotland, a mere youth, he was even then much impressed by a great gathering of tenantry to meet their landlord, Fox Maule, the present Lord Panmure, and in addressing them, that nobleman said that it was not of the extent of his landed property that he felt proud, but of the farmers and tenants whom he had been the means of raising up around him, and to support him. The was his boast, and he (Mr. Douglas) believed that such might be the case with the landed proprietors on the Darling Downs. He concluded that the richest agricultural lands, and the best watered were those situated at the heads of creeks running into the Condamine, and although he did not wish to refer to any particular persons or occupiers, he would ask where was there a more magnificent tract of country in the whole breadth of Queensland than Canning Downs? Ought the Government to alienate that country to one or even six persons, when, he might say, hundreds should occupy it. (A voice: “What about Goomburra and Gladfield?”) He would wish to see the privilege which for so many years had been enjoyed by the present occupiers, or those they had purchased from extended to all classes. It was said by some that to throw open the lands would damage the credit of the colony; but he thought that argument was most fallacious. To show the value of these runs he had been informed by the hon. member for Western Downs (Mr. Watts), that in the sale made by him of Eton Vale, that what he sold was the actual market value of stock and the price of the purchased land, and that he did not consider that any value was received for the value of the Crown Lands occupied. In accepting this statement the landed proprietors had no right to say that in resuming the Crown Lands any damage was done to the property, or that the credit of the colony was in any way injured, and he might fairly assume that a handsome fortune could readily be made out of the purchased lands on the stations without any reference whatever to the Crown Lands occupied. Another point which had to be considered was this, a large amount of money had been spent on railways, and would still have to be spent in order to bring them to completion; which amounts, however, he did not grudge in the least. He had passed the previous day on the line up the Main Range; and he quite sympathised with his colleague, Mr. Macalister, when he said that “he gloried in his railway policy.” It was a glorious sight to stand on that Range, and, looking over the vast area of country, to see the difficulties at that ascent overcome; to see the engines come puffing up the Range with their trains of passenger carriages and goods trucks. Of what use were railways without population? (Hear, hear.) They would only be for the benefit of the few, and he believed that by the reservation of the agricultural lands, a large population would be induced to settle on the lands adjacent to the lines. Unfortunately many colonists had left Queensland; but by pursuing a broad and liberal land policy might they not hope to attract some of them back again, and also many in the neighbouring colonies who would gladly come here to settle if a sufficient encouragement was held out to them. (Hear, hear.) If they would show residents in the other colonies sufficient inducements by liberal land laws, and they found the rates of wages here were such as would conduce to their prosperity, then people would flock to the colony instead of from it. (Hear, hear.) It had been said—why, when the Reserves were proclaimed, was not the whole of the Darling Downs included? (Hear, hear.) The principal reason was, that it was highly desirable that a line of country should be continually settled on, and not broken up in patches. There were already large reserves on the western side of the Warwick line, at Felton and Clifton, and consisting of good agricultural land, it being also well watered. There was a large tract of country extending from Felton towards Yandilla and thence to Jondaryan, which was very badly watered, and the most of it unfit for agriculture, and would have been no use in proclaiming it. Should it, however, become evident that this was also required, the Government would, no doubt, act upon that view. They must distinctly bear in mind that it was imperative to realize on the land of the colony in order to meet its indebtedness; this, at any rate, was no party question. It was impossible that with the existing revenue they could go on at the present rate without largely reducing the expenditure or imposing additional taxation. He, however, believed that it would be utterly impossible, even if fresh taxes were levied, to collect them; therefore to pay the liabilities falling due during the next two or three years, it would be imperative on the Government to sell as largely as possible the Crown lands. (Hear, hear.) It would not be becoming on his part at that time to refer at any length to measures which might be brought forward by the Government. He was still their member, and as a dissolution was almost immediately expected, it might be that he would shortly have to appear before them, to ask for a renewal of their trust and confidence, and which he hoped they would accord to him. In whatever capacity he came before them, whether in office or not, he could assure them that in doing so, it would be with singleness of mind, and that no opinion of his would be advanced unless he fully believed that it would tend to the benefit of the country at large, and not merely to the benefit of any one class in particular. (Loud cheers.) He hoped that the constituencies would severally test those who might offer themselves as representatives. Let them not be led away by promises, but test the candidates by their previous character. That was the best test—general public character. If they could depend on their political views, and could also feel satisfied of their public character, they could then prove their confidence by returning them. He could safely say he had never betrayed the interests of his constituents, and firmly believed that had his advice been more acted upon, the district would have been in a better position. They must remember that the whole prosperity and welfare of the district depended upon their choice of representatives. He would, probably, before the expiration of another month, have the honour of again appearing before them, and on that occasion would afford them all information on the course which he should consider it to be his duty to adopt. (The hon. gentleman then sat down amid loud and prolonged cheering.)

Mr. C. CLARK said that there were several questions which he wished to ask, and did he understand that Mr. Douglas was then in a position to give answers?

Mr. DOUGLAS said that he was not there on his trial, being still their member, but on his next addressing them would invite diligent questionings, and should be most happy to give every information required.

Mr. CLARK thought that by 19 votes to 5 Mr. Douglas' seat was declared vacant, especially as he did not vote himself on that occasion.

Mr. DOUGLAS still held his seat according to the constitutional law of the country, and thought that, to say the least, it would have been bad taste to have voted on a question which personally affected him.

Mr. GATSBORD, referring to an anonymous letter in the issue of the Warwick Argus of that day, designated it as a despicable, unmanly, and cowardly attack on a gentleman, and challenged the writer to come forward and prove his assertions. He concluded his remarks by proposing a vote of confidence in their worthy and respected member, the Hon. John Douglas.

Mr. CLARK would ask Mr. Douglas, when any questions relating to matters of public interest could be put.

Mr. DOUGLAS: When the dissolution takes place.

The vote of confidence was then seconded by Mr. ADDENBROOKE and carried amidst loud cheers.

Mr. CLARK proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was carried by acclamation, and the meeting separated.

Douglas's resignation as Colonial Treasurer and his appointment as Secretary for Works - May 1867

This newspaper extract contains three distinct pieces concerning John Douglas, all published in the Queensland Daily Guardian, Wednesday 22 May 1867, p. 2:

1. Parliamentary proceedings, 21 May 1867 — the debate over Douglas's resignation as Colonial Treasurer, his appointment as Secretary for Works, and whether he was legally required to seek re-election.
2. Editorial on the ministerial crisis — beginning “The debate of yesterday afternoon in the House of Assembly...” This examines Douglas's disagreement with his colleagues and the constitutional implications of the cabinet reshuffle.
3. “A Few Revelations” — a separate editorial beginning “A few revelations with regard to the mysterious art of Cabinet-making in Queensland...” It criticises the Government's handling of Douglas's resignation and subsequent appointment.

1. Parliamentary proceedings

WEDNESDAY, MAY 22, 1867.

In the Legislative Assembly yesterday.

A petition was presented from a large number of the inhabitants of Rockhampton and the neighbouring districts, on the general state of the colony, praying that no further expenditure should take place on railways; and requesting that the Dalby line should be stopped; if it was continued they hoped that the Northern line would be extended beyond the Dawson.

Mr. ROBERT CRIBB and Mr. WILLIAM HENRY GROOM took their seats respectively as members for East Moreton, and for Drayton and Toowoomba.

A question by Mr. PALMER, with regard to the sureties furnished by the Treasury Clerk, having been answered by Mr. DOUGLAS, as he said, on behalf of the Colonial Treasurer.

Mr. PING raised a question of privilege, and asked how the hon. member came to answer on behalf of the Treasurer, if he no longer held that office?

Mr. MACALISTER, after a discussion upon a minor point, explained that Mr. Douglas had resigned the Treasurership because the proposal of the Government to resume the land order system disagreed with the scheme of finance he had intended to submit to the House. His resignation was not accepted, but he was transferred to the office of Secretary for Works, and Mr. Stephens had been appointed Colonial Treasurer.

Mr. PING contended that the acceptance by Mr. Douglas of a new office rendered it necessary that he should go before his constituents. According to the practice of the Imperial Parliament, the only instance in which re-election was unnecessary, was when one of the principal Secretaries of State was transferred from one department to another, there being no such divisions in the offices of Secretary of State as to render them distinct offices. In the present case, this was a removal from one department to another of a distinct kind. He referred to the case which happened lately of Sir John Pakington, who went from the office of Lord of the Admiralty to that of Secretary for War, and had to be re-elected by his constituents.

Mr. PUGH followed this up by a motion declaring Mr. Douglas' seat vacant by reason of his accepting the office of Secretary for Works.

Mr. MACALISTER contended that all colonial Ministers stood in the same position as principal Secretaries of State; the office of Secretary for War, which had been alluded to, was a subordinate office. It had been the practice in New South Wales for members of the Government to go from one office to another without re-election. He admitted that if any interval had elapsed, which was not the case, between Mr. Douglas' retirement from one office and his acceptance of another, he would have needed to go before his constituents.

Mr. MACKENZIE wished to know if Mr. Douglas had resigned the Treasurership, and had afterwards taken another office? Because if he had done so, there was no need for discussing the question. He remarked that if it had not been for this occurrence, the Ministry would not have thought of filling up the office of Secretary for Works; and, indeed, the House was opposed to five Ministers sitting in the Legislative Assembly.

Mr. MACALISTER stated that no resignation had been accepted.

Mr. RAFF concurred with Mr. PING, and contended that there was no such distinction as the Premier had attempted to set up.

Mr. BELL maintained that as there could be no resignation until it was accepted, the transfer from one office to another, followed as a matter of course.

Mr. WALSH, after referring to some rumours afloat with regard to the change, and expressing his concurrence with the motion, said he hoped the House would at once refuse to pass any important measure until there was a dissolution.

Mr. BROOKES expressed his partial approval of what had been urged previously by Mr. Ping; his belief in the present Ministry as the only one which could be found capable of governing the colony properly, and his thorough mistrust of Mr. Walsh by whom he advised the House not to be misled.

Mr. DOUGLAS corroborated the statement of the Premier, that his resignation as Colonial Treasurer had not been accepted; justified by reference to New South Wales his continuance in the House as a member without re-election on his acceptance of a new office; but expressed his readiness to submit himself to his constituents for re-election.

Mr. R. CRIBB expressed his regret that Mr. Douglas had not appealed to his constituents without more ado, as by his present conduct he was violating the Constitution.

Mr. LILLEY argued that there was no necessity for Mr. Douglas to appeal to his constituents for re-election, maintaining that Mr. Douglas had only transferred his office, and being a member of the Cabinet Council, both before and after such transference, that he had no more need to appeal to his constituents than a Secretary in the State Department in England.

Dr. CHALLINOR maintained that there was no analogy between a Secretary of that department and the Colonial Treasurer, but between him and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The latter would have to resign his seat on taking a different office, and so therefore, should the former. Independently of that, there was sufficient to justify a vote of want of confidence in the present Ministry, when one of their number could show his readiness to relinquish his policy on a vital point on a mere change of his office. Moreover, he was opposed to Ministers who sought to change the Cabinet without being responsible to the Parliament for it.

Mr. PING pointed out the difference between the interchange of offices by a Secretary in the State Department at home which was but one, and the change of Mr. Douglas from the Treasurership to the distinct department of Works.

Mr. PUGH, having expressed his surprise that his motion had been resisted by the Ministry, and answered several objections raised to it, announced his determination to press it to a division.

The motion was then put, and carried by a majority of 19 to 5.

Mr. MACALISTER informed the House that as he had been quite unprepared for the division that had taken place on the motion, he desired time to deliberate upon the advice it would be proper for him to offer his Excellency the Governor, under the circumstances. He moved that the House adjourn until to-morrow (this day).

The House adjourned at a quarter to 6 o'clock.

2. Editorial — The ministerial crisis

The debate of yesterday afternoon in the House of Assembly, took by surprise the majority of those who had the privilege of listening to it; and the surprise was not more due to the suddenness of the political circumstances which led to the debate than to the fact that upon the proposition placed before the House, the Ministry should have courted combat and sustained inevitable defeat. The public yesterday morning were astonished to hear rumours to the effect that Mr. DOUGLAS had thought fit to resign his office as Colonial Treasurer, and that Mr. STEPHENS, the member for South Brisbane had been offered and had accepted the office vacated by such resignation. The accuracy of these rumours in the course of the afternoon was confirmed; but it appeared that whilst they conveyed the truth, they did not convey the whole truth and nothing but the truth. Mr. DOUGLAS, although he had resigned his post as Colonial Treasurer, and although his resignation had been accepted and a substitute for the vacant post gazetted in the person of Mr. T. B. STEPHENS, had not seceded from the Ministry. He took his seat in his usual place on the Ministerial Benches, and it was only when a question on the notice paper, alleged to be addressed to the Colonial Treasurer, was put by Mr. PALMER that an approximation was arrived at concerning the facts connected with changes in the Cabinet. Mr. DOUGLAS rose and answered “on behalf” of the Colonial Treasurer; and Mr. PING then raised the cry of Privilege, which led to an explanation of political changes in the Cabinet which had apparently taken place within the previous twenty-four hours. For the full particulars of the explanation which was elicited, literally piecemeal, with great difficulty from the lips of an unwilling Ministry, it is but necessary to refer the reader to the columns of this journal containing the reports of the debate.

The main facts are these. The Colonial Secretary and Mr. DOUGLAS agree in their statements to the effect that the latter gentleman did not agree with the majority of the Ministry in the details of a Bill—the Immigration Bill—involving matters calculated to directly or indirectly affect the revenue over which the Colonial Treasurer is supposed to exercise a peculiar control. Accordingly Mr. DOUGLAS felt that it was his duty to tender his resignation as Colonial Treasurer, as the matters to which he objected involved questions of vital policy in connection with the interests of the colony; and, therefore, he felt that he could not any longer act in accord with his colleagues, if the objectionable points of policy were persisted in. He tendered his resignation and his successor was appointed. The Colonial Secretary, however, naturally unwilling at the present time to alienate from him a colleague—who has commanded hitherto great respect from all sections of the House, on account of his undoubted sincerity as well as his ability,—resolved upon a bold step, and made an overture to Mr. DOUGLAS, which, in a rash moment he accepted; an overture which involved a line of action on the part of the Ministry of the day which the House of Assembly by an overwhelming majority, indignantly condemned. The Ministry appointed Mr. DOUGLAS Secretary for Works in spite of the fact that a few days before the amalgamation of the office of Secretary for Lands and Secretary for Works had been announced. Mr. DOUGLAS accepted the appointment, and was gazetted, and the hon. gentleman who appeared on the last day of the meeting of the House—viz., on Thursday last, as Colonial Treasurer, took the same seat yesterday on the Ministerial Benches which he then occupied, only he appeared on it in the capacity of Secretary for Works, having resigned one position of profit under the Crown and taken another position of profit under the Crown. On these grounds, it was objected that as there had been a virtual resignation of one office, and virtual acceptance of another office—the acceptance alluded to, rendered the seat of Mr. DOUGLAS vacant, and it was necessary that he should again appear before his constituents before he could sit or vote. The arguments in favour of the motion that Mr. DOUGLAS should resign his seat were so plain that it is needless to say the proposition to that effect was carried against the Ministry by an overwhelming majority, and the House thus resented one of the most impudent attempts to insult its privileges which has occurred in the annals of this colony.

We shall not here enter into the question as to the applicability of the precedents advanced by the members of the Ministry in support of that line of action which they thought fit to pursue in connection with the resignation of one office in the Cabinet by Mr. DOUGLAS, his appointment to another and a distinct office, and the appointment of Mr. STEPHENS to the office previously occupied by Mr. DOUGLAS. Those precedents were analysed, and the absence of analogy to the case in point, fully proved, we think, in the course of debate, but of this the public will judge. The exigencies of space will not now allow us to enter into an investigation of the fallacies uttered with regard to this aspect of the case on the ministerial side. Suffice it to say that if these arguments were valid they would afford to Ministers carte blanche to exchange offices in the Cabinet with each other to any extent, during such member's tenure of office, and as long as exchange was made of sufficient officers of the Cabinet of their posts in the same Cabinet, any such resignation of office by one Minister and acceptance on his part of another office, would not involve the necessity of such Minister's re-appearance before his constituents in each successive resignation of one appointment, and acceptance of another. This proposition was seriously laid down, and it was attempted to be justified by reference to practice in the mother country; but divesting the question of all quibbles we ask would any Cabinet seriously maintain that the Premier of Great Britain could resign his seat to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the latter officer resign his post and become the Foreign Secretary, and the Secretary for Foreign Affairs become Premier, without the interchange of offices involving an appeal on the part of each gentleman to his constituents. Yet this is the ground assumed by the present Ministry, in justification of the course which has been pursued in relation to the resignation of Mr. DOUGLAS of the office of Colonial Secretary, his appointment to another office in the Cabinet, not at present recognised by the House, and the appointment of Mr. STEPHENS to the post originally vacated by Mr. DOUGLAS. They assume that resignation of one office as Cabinet Minister, by a member, an office of profit under the Crown, and his immediate acceptance of another totally distinct office, does not involve the necessity of that Minister's re-election in his new official capacity. But in the present instance the Ministry did more than this: having by their own act and deed virtually abolished an office, viz.:—that of Secretary for Works, and amalgamated it with that of Secretary for Lands, they re-create the former office and appoint an officer to it, for the purpose of gaining an additional vote in the House. It was certainly understood from the words that fell from the Colonial Secretary on a recent occasion, that when Mr. BELL was gazetted as Secretary for Works in addition to being Secretary for Lands, that the appointment was permanent and that henceforth the offices of Lands and Works would be united as they had been on the first creation of this department as a separate department. The House was led to believe this, else would a substantive motion have been tabled to the effect that four Responsible Ministers, holding seats and having votes, in a House of thirty-two members was a sufficient preponderance of political power in the House of Representatives to directly confer upon the Executive of the day. The reason for such a resolution not being tabled was, that the Ministry had tacitly, by their action, after the resignation of Mr. WATTS, the late member for Public Works, admitted the justice of the resolution and their desire to accede to it by rolling into one, two offices in the Cabinet which had previously been of a separate and distinct character. The implied pledge in this matter on the part of the Ministers has been violated by the recent action taken. And, with regard to this matter, we would suggest that the recent re-severance of duties of Secretary for Works from those which before appertained to the Secretary for Lands and Works should render it necessary that Mr. BELL, the late Secretary for Lands and Works, should go before his constituents; or rather, indeed, we would ask, whether he ought not to have gone before his constituents when he accepted the duties of Secretary for Works in addition to those of Secretary for Lands. A Minister should not be able to add to and subtract from his responsibilities in the department or departments more immediately under his control in this wholesale manner at the caprice of the Head of the Cabinet. It tends to subvert the idea of responsibility attaching to him; and his fellow representatives in certain cases of grievance, would scarcely know how to get at him to answer for his responsibility. He is at one time two single gentlemen rolled into one, and at another time one single gentleman subdivided into two—according as the political exigencies of the occasion require. These facts of political acrobatism may be convenient to those in power, and also are undoubtedly ingenious; but they tend to secure neither the applause of the outside public, nor the confidence of the colonists in the good intentions of the performer.

The course pursued by Mr. DOUGLAS in the matters referred to has given general cause of regret to those who looked upon him as one who, in the Cabinet, was a sort of guarantee for Ministerial integrity of purpose and action. We believe that in a weak moment he was hurriedly persuaded to adopt a line of action which he can scarcely look back to with any feelings of self-approbation. The great defect in his conduct is easily pointed out. If he felt justified in throwing up his office as Colonial Treasurer because on an important question of policy, he was opposed to his colleagues, upon what ground does he justify his immediate subsequent acceptance of another office than that which he had relinquished under the same colleagues. If that policy to which he objected had been modified previously to his acceptance of the office of Secretary for Works, it was due to himself that he should have returned to that same office in the Cabinet which he had previously abandoned owing to differences of opinion with his colleagues. If on the other hand no such modification has taken place, how can he separate his individual action as a member of the Cabinet on a question of vital policy from that of his colleagues. If this separate isolated action on the part of members of a Cabinet in great questions were allowed, we might attain to an unchangeable executive, composed of a body of men who would record the dictates of the House, but in whom it would be almost impossible to express a want of confidence, as they might so divide their ranks that on any important occasions their votes would be so distributed that it would be impossible to arrive at Ministerial collective responsibilities. This would lead to a state of affairs which however desirable to some minds would not be Representative Government, conducted according to the theory of constitution. Unity of action and responsibility must be one of the main features of our Executive, under that form of Government under which we at present possess the privilege of living.

3. Editorial — “A Few Revelations”

A FEW revelations with regard to the mysterious art of Cabinet-making in Queensland were made in the course of yesterday's debate, which led the House of Assembly to declare that the seat of Mr. JOHN DOUGLAS was vacant, owing to his acceptance of an appointment of profit under the Crown. Owing to Ministerial mystifications, it is really difficult to get at the bottom of the true facts of the case in connection with the recent resignation of Mr. DOUGLAS as Colonial Treasurer, and his immediate appointment to another office in the Cabinet, apparently resuscitated for his own especial and peculiar behoof. We know that Mr. DOUGLAS has resigned his post as Colonial Treasurer, and has been subsequently alluded to in a Government Gazette, as having been appointed Secretary for Works. We know that Mr. STEPHENS the member for South Brisbane and proprietor of an influential daily journal whose recent political proclivities are now easily explained, has been gazetted as Colonial Treasurer in the stead of Mr. DOUGLAS. We also know that to make room for Mr. DOUGLAS an office hitherto thought dead for a time has been resuscitated, and blooms in all the freshness of renewed political life. But we, in common with many hon. members, are still in the dark as to the main principles upon which this art of cabinet-making is conducted. Our official contemporary is no doubt in a position to officially enlighten us. We do not allude to that eloquent and instructive journal the Government Gazette. We allude to the influential organ of public opinion conducted by the Colonial Treasurer. The public pine for light on this matter, and to that journal we look for the promulgation of a sufficiency of rays calculated to afford relief to the public eye.

In the first place it was apparent yesterday when Mr. DOUGLAS first took his accustomed seat on the Ministerial Benches, that he did not know exactly who he was—that is to say, officially. His own knowledge of his official identity appeared to have deserted him. The Premier told the House that Mr. DOUGLAS had simply tendered his resignation, but inferred that it did not follow that that resignation had been accepted. In the course of debate a newly issued Government Gazette was placed upon the table by which it appeared that if Mr. DOUGLAS had not resigned, yet Mr. STEPHENS had been appointed Treasurer in the room of Mr. DOUGLAS appointed Secretary for Public Works, an office not then known or recognisable by the House. Then Mr. DOUGLAS found himself, if the Premier's statement was to be relied upon, in a painfully dual position. His resignation had not been accepted, yet another member had been appointed to fill his office as Colonial Treasurer whilst he was in the anomalous position of an unrecognisable officer who acted “on behalf” of the Colonial Treasurer, the member of a Ministry from which he so far disagreed that he felt bound to make a temporary secession from them. When Cabinet making is conducted in this rapid manner, the master workmen should not insult those to whom the productions of their hands are to be exhibited by turning them out in this incomplete manner. It was intimated by Dr. CHALLINOR that the true cause of the resignation of Mr. DOUGLAS was that a Bill was placed upon the table of the House by the Premier, who had not the courtesy to previously forward it to his colleagues for consideration. This also is common rumour through the town, and the sooner it is contradicted the better. We cannot accept its truth, because it is hardly likely that any head of a Government would act towards his colleagues in so discourteous a manner; nor is it likely that any members of an Executive would submit to such imperious treatment. Neither do we think it likely that Mr. DOUGLAS would again, within the space of twenty-four hours after he had tendered his resignation accept office under colleagues who had been guilty of such conduct as that above indicated. As the rumour is prevalent, it is desirable that publicity should be given to it, so that opportunity may be afforded for giving to it a public denial. Ministers, in one sense, are often placed in an unpleasant situation—that is to say, vague rumours float about, and the Ministers cannot seize upon anything tangible to which to give a flat contradiction. The present Colonial Treasurer, however, will no doubt be of valuable assistance to Ministers in this respect, and will no doubt furnish Ministers with a medium on which to make replies to vague accusations, which replies it would be scarcely dignified for Ministers to utter in the House. The value of replies conveyed indirectly through a journalistic channel without the weight of official utterance attaching to them will be duly appreciated by the public and the House.

The motion which yesterday was carried to a division led to the occasion of Mr. BROOKES displaying in a most ardent manner that attachment to the Ministry which he has recently conceived. Mr. PUGH designated the hon. member Mr. BROOKES as the fifth wheel of the ministerial coach; but here Mr. PUGH—unintentionally, we are sure—was guilty of a great injustice to an absent friend. He forgot the prior claims of Mr. TAYLOR, the hon. member for Western Downs, to act in this capacity. On the behalf of Mr. TAYLOR, we protest against Mr. BROOKES usurping the “fifth wheel” function until Mr. TAYLOR has formally resigned all claims to the post of honor. Promotion by gradation is presumed to be the rule in the Civil Service. Mr. BROOKES should not be allowed to snatch one single laurel leaf from that crown which a long period of devotion to the Government naturally has caused to appertain to the brow of Mr. TAYLOR. But Mr. PUGH'S mistake was unintentional, and also was one which we should have been liable to make had we not had time for mature reflection. In conclusion, the whole debate bears out the conclusions of Mr. WALSH that, if the present Ministers are, as they assert, the sole men who can rule the country, it is high time we had a general election or a change of Ministry. After the revelations yesterday made, this is the sole result which will satisfy the electors, and the sooner it is accelerated the better for the colony.

Diamantina Orphan Asylum - April 1867

THE DIAMANTINA ORPHAN ASYLUM

The Guardian (Brisbane), Thursday 11 April 1867, p. 2. Evidence given by the Hon. John Douglas before the Select Committee on Hospitals, 11 May 1866.

As this institution has been recently referred to in our leading columns, and has given rise to a considerable amount of correspondence in this journal, the following extract from the proceedings of the Select Committee on the hospitals of the colony, appointed last session, may afford information to our readers concerning the institution referred to:—

FRIDAY, 11 MAY, 1866.

Present:—Mr. Groom, Mr. Forbes, Dr. Challinor, Mr. Coxen.—William Henry Groom, Esq., in the chair.

The Honorable John Douglas, M.L.C., again attended, and was further examined.

1. By the Chairman: You are a member of the committee of the Orphan Asylum? Yes.

2. Could you explain to the Committee how that institution is conducted?

I suppose we may call the Orphan Asylum a Government institution. It is managed by a committee, which is recognised by the Government. The committee consists of six ladies, the Immigration Agent, and myself. The school is in a building which till lately formed a fever hospital. Considerable additions were made to the building, and now there is accommodation in the wooden building for about one hundred children; more than one hundred, I think, could be accommodated.

There are eighty-eight children now inmates of the institution. All of these are under ten years old, and a good many of them are quite infants. There are seventeen who are in arms, under eighteen months old. I believe that the whole of those children would have been very grossly neglected, and some of them, I have no doubt, would have died, if they had not been thus provided for by the Government.

In the case of infants at the breast, provision is made by an allowance being given to the mothers, and they are obliged to bring them every week to the ladies' committee, to show that they are in a healthy and cleanly condition. It was at first attempted to rear these children within the walls of the institution, but that was found impossible, and now the mothers are supported as far as the funds of the committee will allow them. The mothers have to produce those children every week, that the ladies may satisfy themselves that the children are not neglected. Ten mothers are thus receiving assistance at the present time.

The establishment consists of a master, matron, sub-matron, a schoolmistress, and five servants.

3. By Mr. Forbes: The sub-matron is schoolmistress, is she?

Yes. She is schoolmistress as well. I may as well mention that the wooden building they inhabit provides all the requisite accommodation; and a few more could still be provided for. These buildings have been provided at a small sum. The total cost of the present building, including furniture, tanks, and everything, would certainly not exceed £800; and though of course they are not likely to be durable buildings, I think they should last for several years without repairs—for, say, ten years.

This institution has not been carried out, strictly speaking, under the Act of Parliament of last session. It was thought that if it was brought under that Act some difficulty might arise in connection with it. I may say that Mrs. Douglas started the institution herself in connection with the hospital committee, and under their management; but when it passed into the hands of the Government, and when the ladies' committee was named, they thought it would be hardly desirable for them to attempt to carry out any industrial scheme as contemplated by the Act, and they preferred to direct their attention to the rearing and management of young children.

The Industrial Schools Act provides for the care of children up to the age of fifteen years, and the ladies' committee do not keep children after they are ten years old. Children can obtain employment at that age, and a considerable number of children have passed through the institution, and have obtained situations under the superintendence of the ladies' committee, who have satisfied themselves that the persons under whose charge those children were placed were persons of proper character.

I am of opinion that it would not be desirable to retain children in the school after the age when they can be put out to service. Girls are likely to obtain service at ten years of age, and if placed in good situations are likely to receive better industrial training than they would at school. Nothing has been attempted in the way of an industrial school, or of teaching the children trades, because they were too young to do so; but the boys are employed so as to make themselves useful; and it is contemplated to form a garden for them to cultivate. They evince great interest in it to the extent to which they can indulge in such work.

The girls are taught sewing so far; and the attainments of the children in school are wonderful. All the children above four years old can read, and most can write. Mr. MacDonell, the Inspector of Schools, visited the school a short time ago, and he was satisfied with the attainments of the children. This has been brought about, to a great extent, by the efficiency and attention of the schoolmaster and mistress. The appliances at first were of a very simple character, but since then we have been supplied with books and maps from the National School Board, and we shall obtain, I have no doubt, everything required to carry on the school efficiently.

4. Do the committee apprentice the children?

Not formally. None of the children are formally apprenticed; but when the children have gone out to service, inquiries have been made as to the characters of the persons they go to. The children are encouraged to come back and report themselves. They generally come back on Sundays. In this way a sort of connection is kept up between them and the institution; and a species of protection of them is maintained.

Then, as to the way in which the payments are made, and the institution supported, Mrs. Douglas, on originally starting the school, received five shillings a head per week, for the children under the direction of the hospital committee. This was sufficient to meet the ordinary expenses then of actual clothing and diet; but she also received assistance from private individuals in various ways; and, when the school was placed under the immediate inspection of the Government, an understanding was come to, by the ladies' committee and the Government, that the committee should receive so much per head, and that the Government should be represented on the committee by the Superintendent of Immigration.

It was agreed that the allowance should be seven shillings per head per week, and that that should cover the cost of everything. Up to the present time that amount has been found sufficient, under, I believe, very economical arrangements. Occasionally subscriptions are sent in by private individuals, which increases the amount at the disposal of the committee; and parents, where it is possible, are made to contribute to the support of their children, but no very large amount is received from this source.

If the amount of seven shillings per week was found to be more than enough, it would be reduced; but the accounts are all subject to inspection. The amount of seven shillings was named, because it was thought that in that way the household affairs would be managed more successfully. The ladies meet once a week, the accounts are produced, and the servants are paid regularly—or, at least, are subject to weekly settlements. The accounts are sent in to the smallest particulars, and as nearly as possible there are weekly settlements.

5. By the Chairman: Are there many children from the country?

Yes; lately there have been several from Ipswich. I believe that to-day there are four coming from Ipswich.

6. Orphans?

Well, a considerable number are not orphans. A large proportion are not orphans, but most of them have lost either their father or mother; and there are a few cases in which the parents are of such a depraved character that the children had to be taken from them. The parents were living notorious lives, and the children were taken from them.

I do not know if I previously mentioned that for very young children an allowance of seven shillings and sixpence is made to mothers who come weekly to shew their children. This might appear a large amount, but it is less than the infant would cost if they were supported by the Government in the institution itself, and the infants stand a much better chance of living. An inducement is thus held out to the mother, also, to rear the child carefully.

In some of those instances the mother might otherwise not take much care of the child, and so the life of the infant might be sacrificed. There were a considerable number of deaths in the institution at first, when it was attempted to rear the children there, but latterly the mortality has been very slight indeed. I think that since the commencement of the year, only one child has died; and when it is taken into consideration that many of those children, when they come into the institution, are in a sickly condition, that is a small number.

The children are now in a healthy state, with the exception of one or two. There are some ricketty children, of course, amongst so many, but the general health is very good. There are two or three who are almost imbeciles. I do not know how they will be provided for when they grow up. They will have to be sent to Woogaroo, I suppose, or some institution of that kind, or to the Benevolent Asylum; but even those children are not so imbecile as to render it probable that they will be absolutely useless.

I should like to mention that Dr. Temple attends the children, and his services are paid for whenever required, at seven shillings a visit. It is considered that this is more economical than appointing a permanent medical man; though, of course, Dr. Temple's visits have to be pretty frequent.

7. Do I understand you to say, you are receiving from the hospital committee five shillings a head?

No. The committee receive at the rate of seven shillings a head per week for every individual in the institution from the Government.

8. Is that sum sufficient to cover expenses?

That sum, supplemented by charitable individuals, and the sums received from parents who are able to support their children, is sufficient. Institutions of this kind are supported in this way at home. An allowance is made by the Government, by way of augmenting the private contributions, at so much per head. Under the Irish Industrial School Act a maximum of seven shillings is named.

9. Do you think the school, as at present carried on, carries out the intentions of the Industrial Schools Act?

Well, it certainly meets the requirements of our condition at present.

10. Do you think the present circumstances justify the Government in erecting a building to carry out the objects of the institution in their integrity?

At the present rate of increase the present building will be soon insufficient. We may go on increasing wooden buildings, and I think that is the most economical way at present; in the course of time we may have to build a permanent residence for the children, and to do that would necessitate a considerable outlay.

As to a reformatory, I think if you could get a good man and wife to take care of the children, that would be the cheapest way. To take a house in the country would be better than keeping the children within prison walls, where they would be subjected to prison discipline.

11. Have any children been received at the school from Rockhampton?

Yes; there are two children from Rockhampton in the school who are absolute orphans. Their father and mother both are dead. They were immigrants.

In cases of children who have lost their mother, they are sometimes placed in as bad a condition as if they had lost their father. The father is unable to provide for them, and under those circumstances it is better the children should be placed in an institution of this kind, and the father pay part of the expense of keeping them.

We have some such children now. I may mention the case of a German. He has three children. His wife died. He could not get constant employment—just employment for a day or two occasionally, but not sufficient to enable him to support himself and children. After some difficulty he obtained a situation on the line, and advanced a considerable amount for the maintenance of the children. He received an advance from his employer, and paid it for his children.

He seems to be very much attached to his children, and, I presume, will continue to look after them, and when he establishes a home he may take them back. There is no difficulty for a parent doing that, except when the parents are known to be vicious and immoral characters.

Sometimes there are cases of wives deserting their husbands, and husbands deserting their wives. There is one case now of a woman having left her husband, having run away with another man. The husband was not able to support his children. He went away too, and we have lost sight of him, but the children had to be supported.

I should presume that, when a parent is willing and able to pay for his children, payment will be made; and when he is not willing though able to pay, the children would be neglected.

12. By Mr. Forbes: How would this present institution, as now carried out, work, by removing children over ten years of age to an industrial school?

That might be found to work very well, if it was thought necessary to retain them after they were ten years of age; but my own conviction is, that it is not necessary to retain them in the school after they are ten years of age; and I think it would cost the Government not less than £30 per annum to retain them in school.

13. By the Chairman: After they leave the present institution, and go to situations, have you any cases of return?

Yes, there have been some cases; but situations have been found for them again.

14. Then, the fact of there being such an institution to which they can return is advantageous?

Yes. At the same time, no unnecessary inducements are held out to them to return. There was one instance of a boy, who did not behave himself in the situation he went to, and we would not take him back. He was apprenticed to Mr. R. S. Warry, and he behaved very badly. When he returned to the institution, we told him we could not take him back because he would show a bad example to the other boys; and that he was quite capable to take care of himself.

Douglas election meeting at Warwick, January 1867

The Guardian (Brisbane 3 January 1867 p. 2

THE HON. JOHN DOUGLAS AT WARWICK. (From the Special Reporter of the D. D. Gazette.)

The Hon. John Douglas (the new Colonial Treasurer) met the electors of Eastern Downs at the Court House, Warwick, at eight o’clock on Saturday evening, in order to give them an exposition of his political opinions, as a candidate for the representation of the district of Eastern Downs, in the room of the late Hon. J. D. Maclean. C. Clark, Esq., was voted to the chair, on the motion of the Hon. St. George Gore, seconded by Mr. Morgan, the mayor of Warwick.

The Chairman, on taking his seat, expressed his thanks for the honour conferred on him, and would do his duty to the best of his ability. They were, of course, all aware of the object for which the meeting had been called—to give the Hon. J. Douglas an opportunity of addressing the electors of Eastern Downs previous to his nomination for that constituency. He trusted they would give each speaker a fair and impartial hearing.

Mr. Morgan rose with considerable diffidence, not on account of the proposition he had to make, but because he knew he had not the ability necessary to express his strong feelings on the subject. The conduct of the honorable gentleman who was a candidate for the representation of the electorate of that portion of the Downs had been before them for the last seven or eight years; it was therefore quite unnecessary for him to dwell on it, and as that gentleman was about to address them, he (Mr. Morgan) would detain them no longer, but would propose the Hon. John Douglas as a fit and proper person to represent the electorate of Eastern Downs.

The motion was seconded by Dr. Bullen.

The Hon. St. George Gore, in rising to address the meeting, could not help having his mind recalled to the last time he had the honour of addressing them. On that occasion it was to propose and speak in favour of Mr. M‘Lean, whose lamented and untimely death they were well aware of. On that occasion he had addressed them as an elector, and had, as it were, no direct personal interest in the matter. His present position was, however, quite different. It was now not only a personal interest he felt, for, being an elector for Eastern Downs, he was a Minister of the Crown, and in that capacity was deeply interested in the return of the Colonial Treasurer. He laid claim to being consistent on the political opinions he had expressed, and was not about to advocate other opinions or principles.

He did not think that any person would deny that on the satisfactory disposal of the Crown lands of the colony the welfare of their district depended, and so long as a candidate was correct in his views on this point, a great deal otherwise might be overlooked. On the part of the Government he could assure them, that they were anxious to carry out the principle in its integrity. The principal novelty introduced during last session was the Leasing Act, and although its present working was to some extent defective, yet he was of opinion that it was a sure, safe, and liberal measure, and the Government would work it to the very best possible advantage.

In framing the bill the Government had been careful not to depreciate the price of land, and thereby injure previous purchasers, which would have been most injurious to the colony, and unjust and unfair to those who had invested in land. The Act hit a safe medium by providing for extended payment but yet keeping the former upset price intact. He most cordially hoped to find, and it was the expectation of the Government, that the greater portion of the black soil country would pass into the hands of farmers. It would be the care of the Government that a large portion should be kept under survey in suitable lots, and that a man who had a £1000 to invest, or one who had only £50, should be equally able to find land suited to his purpose, so that every class would be well satisfied, and by that means their magnificent district would remain no longer a desert or a sheep walk.

Good results had already been experienced in their district by the working of the leasing clauses, and they could point out as a proof of it, the settlement now going on at Allora and Spring Creek. To countenance and carry out this liberal law, it was necessary to strengthen the hands of the Government, and it would be unnecessary for him to enter more fully into detail, as his hon. friend would give an exposition of his views on those questions.

Neither was it necessary for him to enter into particulars relating to the Warwick railway, but he could assure them that the Government were disposed to give every facility and fair play to carry out the work to the best advantage of the colony. He would, however, like to make a few observations on the changes which had taken place since he had taken office. The colony was at that time in a most critical position, and he was afraid that the difficulties had not yet all passed away.

In order to put some stop to the difficulties which then presented themselves, one of the fittest men in the colony was appointed Colonial Treasurer, and he was happy to say that although there was some slight attempt at opposition, yet his honorable and lamented friend was returned by a large majority. He (Mr. Gore) himself had accepted office as a Minister of the Crown, and representative of the Government in the Upper House, with the office of Postmaster-General. His personal feelings had been against accepting the position, but he considered that if his humble services were of any use to the country, he had no right to withhold them, and it afforded him pleasure to say that he had conducted the business of the Upper House with satisfaction to his colleagues, and he hoped that it had also been so to that of the country at large.

The Government had been compelled to impose heavy taxation, which was not by any means pleasant, but still taxation was better than insolvency. He was glad to find that by the last news from England money was very abundant there. The next mail would be the first opportunity by which they could receive particulars of the sales of the last batch of Queensland debentures; and he trusted they would receive such favourable accounts as would enable the Government to carry out the whole of the public works without further delays.

The manner in which these temporary difficulties had been tided over, a very great deal was due to the knowledge, temper, and tact of the late lamented Treasurer; they should in this respect honour the dead as well as the living. The result of his having been returned for their electorate showed the great importance and influence a single electorate had upon the whole colony. The death of the Colonial Treasurer was no doubt a most serious misfortune to the country in its present state, but it was necessary that some one should be immediately chosen to replace him.

His hon. friend, Mr. Douglas, had been selected by all the Ministry to fill the office, and it would be for that electorate to ratify the appointment, and he was certain that not an elector could bring forward one question that he was not prepared to answer. He (Mr. Gore) had seen a very foolish idea promulgated through the columns of the Brisbane Courier, that the action of Government in appointing a Colonial Treasurer before he had a seat in the House was unconstitutional. The Queen through her representative had power to appoint any one she pleased. This had been done, and it became their duty to ratify it.

He was sorry to hear rumours of there being an attempt to set up an opposition member, by nominating some one from Ipswich. He quite agreed that every person had a right to express his opinions fully and freely on political matters; but when it was only done for annoyance, and with a view of putting the country to expense, he trusted that any person so ill-advised as to contest on those grounds would not meet with a single supporter. He would no longer detain them, but would express his firm conviction that the very best man they could have to represent them was his honourable friend, John Douglas.

The Honourable John Douglas then rose and said that he had seldom risen with feelings of deeper emotion than at the present time. It was some six or seven years since he had last been in Warwick. On that occasion he met, in friendly rivalry, their late lamented member, and now he was there to ask them for their suffrages. He had sometimes differed on public questions with their late respected member, but never had a private difference with him; Mr. McLean was always the same hearty genial friend. He was a man who had done what all of them could do if they chose—he had risen simply by his own energy and honesty of purpose from the very lowest circumstances to one of the very highest positions in the colony; and one reason of it was, that his word was thoroughly to be believed. Whatever he said could be relied on, and he had won not only the respect of those who were of the same views as himself, but also of those who were opposed to him in politics.

He (Mr. Douglas) would wish at the present juncture to speak discreetly, and still explain to them fully his views on the two most important questions of the day. In the approaching election he threw himself upon the generous feeling of the electors, and trusted that while, on the one hand, he stated to them clearly his views, yet on the other hand they would also make him acquainted with the wants and necessities of the district, as well as their opinions on the most important questions of the time, in order that he might be able to understand their feelings and wishes.

The first question on which he would make a few remarks to them was the Warwick Railway; it was too old a story to go into the whole question of railways. When, however, that question was finally carried, they (the inhabitants of the Warwick District) were to be participators in, and enjoy the benefits of it. His feelings were, when the question of railways was under the consideration of Parliament, that the colony was too young for them, and that they were going ahead too fast. He had therefore voted against the system altogether, but when once the principle was affirmed, carried, and adopted, he considered it only right to make the best of it.

When he gave up his former constituency on accepting office as Postmaster-General, he was placed in antagonism with some of the then Ministry on many questions, and had gone into the Upper House for a time; but now, on being solicited to accept office with a seat in the Assembly, he could readily and cordially join to carry out the policy of the present Ministry. He could work better with the Hon. A. Macalister and his present colleagues, as he was satisfied they were able to carry out the only policy which would conduct the colony through its present difficulties.

Great stress had been laid by some writers to the Brisbane press on the illegality and breach of privilege involved in carrying on the Warwick railway, contrary to the recommendation of certain members of Parliament; but such ideas had been completely exploded by the Colonial Secretary’s letters in answer to the objections. It had been authorised by both Houses of Parliament, and were they to set that aside? There were certain writers on this subject who endeavoured to drag the Governor into the question. He, however, would listen to no other advice but that of the Ministry, and when it was proved to him that they had not a majority to support them, he could then act on his own responsibility.

There were two very important reasons why the work should go on; the first was, that the money already spent was considerable, and if the work was stopped would be totally lost to the colony; secondly, the amount required by the contractor to throw up the contract would amount to almost 25 per cent of the total cost of the whole line. This was what the Government had to take into consideration that if they now stopped the work, they were already liable to such a contingency, which was very large.

Besides it was confidently expected that the railway would be open to Toowoomba in about three months’ time, and there would be a quantity of labour available for employ on its continuation to Warwick. The Government had been at a heavy expense to introduce that labour to the colony. Let them be employed for a certainty, and no doubt a large proportion of them would permanently settle in the district.

Of course the amount of money to be expended on railways was very large, and for some years they might not even pay the interest, nor were they likely to be profitable for some time. He, however, looked on the railway policy not so much as a source of profit at the present time, but as a means of colonisation. There was no water navigation, and they were bound to construct roads or railways to open up the country.

So far as paying for their construction was concerned there were ample means by the sale of Crown Lands in districts contiguous to the lines. In the Darling Downs district alone, there were about sixteen millions of acres available for sale. No doubt a great deal of it was indifferent land, and land which at present it would not pay to buy; but in the districts of Moreton and Darling Downs there were no less than twenty-four millions of acres of available land.

They must also bear in mind that if only one-sixth of the quantity were sold it would wipe out the railway debt at once. The great object of the Government would be, to keep a sufficient quantity of land under survey. There was considerable difficulty experienced in arranging surveys; at present they only had detached survey parties, and had not yet arrived at a sufficient system of making large surveys.

By the sale of Crown Lands he could clearly see the way to liquidate the debt—larger in proportion to the population than any other of the Australian Colonies. They had gone to the extreme verge of taxation, and he should certainly not feel disposed to impose any new taxation; but they had an enormous wealth in their Crown Lands which could be made available for the purpose.

The next most important question was the Occupation of Crown Lands. He had always been directly opposed to allowing purchases of land under pre-emption, and did all he possibly could to prevent it, when he had the honour of representing them in the House of Assembly, Sydney, before Separation. He had then stated that the result of it would completely paralyze the prosperity of the towns, and had also made a proposition to set aside large tracts of country as a reserve near Warwick, in order to withhold it from the effects of the pre-emptive system; and had the lands in this district been properly surveyed, it would have secured a sufficient revenue and have given fair play to agriculturists.

There were many gentlemen who had shown great public colony, (sic) and who were justly entitled to every credit for so spirit (sic) in opening up and purchasing the lands of the colony; (sic) but he thought there should be no prescription (sic) placed on it, and that every acre of land should be first submitted to public competition, for on the settlement of these magnificent blocks of country depended the success and welfare of the colony.

Now, however, that the system had been done away with, and all sales were made competitive, they could all share alike, and no capitalist could buy up land to the detriment of the public. So far as the Agricultural Reserves were concerned, they were extending very rapidly; there were now 80,000 acres reserved, and large surveys were at present being made and pushed forward, extending throughout the whole district from Warwick to Dalby. By so doing they would direct the attention of persons from the neighbouring colonies who would gladly come here to settle, and conduce in no small degree to the prosperity of the district.

So far as the Leasing Bill was concerned, it was as yet difficult to determine how it would operate, and it would take some time to determine the effect of the practical working of it; it must be subject to time and experience. The present Government, however, would devote their best endeavours to forward the success of the measure, and would be most willing to remedy any defects that might be found in its working.

He would say a few words on the present financial scheme, which was, of all subjects, the most difficult to determine. He did not profess to have that amount of knowledge on the subject which he should like to possess, but so far as he could at present see, he considered that the issue of Treasury Notes would not be a very lasting measure; and it was very doubtful if the result would be a permanent issue of Government paper money.

The operations of a currency question were most difficult to foresee, and he was quite prepared to support a system which would tend to the establishment of a national bank, but believed that the present scheme was no foundation for such a measure. He believed that it would be found that the late Colonial Treasurer was correct in his estimate of the deficiency of the revenue over the expenditure at the end of the current year at £150,000; he believed, however, they had seen the worst of the bad times.

A large proportion of the depression had occurred through over-trading in those towns approximating to the line of railway. He was pleased to find that the town of Warwick had suffered less than any other in the colony, and it was the only district in which they really had an agricultural producing population.

The operation of the new taxation had not as yet been fairly felt, and the revenue had not been materially increased thereby; but it was in consequence of the enormous stocks held in the colony. It might, however, be fairly anticipated that in a short time the revenue from the ad valorem duty would show a marked increase and the colony would soon find itself in a more solid and solvent position than it had been for the past three or four years.

As they were all aware, the present Parliament had been now nearly four years in existence, and it was possible that before very long the Ministry might see fit to appeal to the country, even if no accident happened to them from the phalanx of opponents who would confront them when Parliament met.

There was one very small but compact clique who were in the habit of meeting in a room in George-street, and they had been humorously nicknamed the “Fenians.” They were capital fellows socially, but when they once entered their upper chamber in George-street their machinations were something terrible to contemplate. Mr. G. Sandeman, who was their leader, had proposed a most remarkable measure—to set apart judiciously small reserves, and throw the whole of the Crown Lands open to the squatter at a ridiculously low figure. These gentlemen represented the extreme faction of the squatting party.

Another gentleman, with whom some of them were no doubt acquainted, Mr. Dalrymple, was unfortunately one of those “Fenians,” and proposes separation for Northern Queensland. He (Mr. Douglas) could not act with anyone proposing separation at the present moment; he was fully convinced of the fact, that the outlying districts of the colony were now far better governed, than ever the district of Darling Downs was before separation. He was perfectly certain that the claims of the northern districts had not been overlooked by the Government, and he would repeat that there was not a single district but was infinitely better governed than before separation.

He did consider that it would be most inexpedient and detrimental to Queensland to encourage separation at the present time, as they were now especially bound to concentrate their forces. He believed he had served them faithfully in New South Wales, and he was not aware of there being anything to justify them in thinking that he would do otherwise at the present juncture. If they had not lost confidence in him he trusted the verdict they would record would conduce to their advantage and to his honour. [The hon. gentleman on resuming his seat was greeted with loud cheers.]

The Chairman having called on any person desirous of addressing the meeting.

Mr. Douglas stated that there was a little matter which he wished to mention to them. He had adverted to the fact that it was quite possible that the Ministry might feel it their duty to appeal to the country, he therefore put it as a duty which every man owed to the colony, that he should register his claim to vote; the time was drawing near for having it done, and he trusted that every man, whatever opinions he might adopt, would have himself registered as an elector.

A person in the meeting asked if there was any hope of their getting the Gladfield Reserve. They had been many years trying for it, but had been as yet unable to obtain it.

Mr. Douglas was not aware of the particulars of the case, but would guarantee them, as their representative, that the matter should receive due consideration.

Mr. C. Clark stated that the application had only to be made, and the reserve would be immediately granted.

The Chairman then called for a show of hands for the Hon. John Douglas, which was given unanimously, there not being a single dissentient.

The Hon. St. George Gore proposed that the Chairman leave the chair, and that his Worship the Mayor take the same.

The Hon. St. George Gore then proposed that the thanks of the meeting be given to the Chairman, and was sure they were deeply indebted to him for the manner in which he had conducted the business of the meeting, which was seconded by Dr. Bullen, and carried by acclamation.

Three cheers were then called for the Hon. J. Douglas, and three more for the Hon. St. George Gore, and the meeting dispersed.