Addressing the electors of East Moreton, September 1868

MR. DOUGLAS AT THE TOWN HALL.

Brisbane Courier, Wednesday 23 September 1868, p. 2

At the invitation of Mr. John Douglas, one of the candidates for the representation of East Moreton, a large number of electors and non-electors assembled at the Town Hall yesterday evening. On the motion of Mr. J. Cameron, His Worship the Mayor took the chair.

Mr. Douglas said he was glad to see such a large attendance, because he would take the opportunity to explain more fully than he could have done at the hustings, the reasons which induced him to place himself in his present position. Without going into any lengthy explanation of all the circumstances which induced him to retire from the representation of Eastern Downs, he thought it would suffice for all purposes of public utility if he stated that he did not offer himself for the representation of that district for reasons which he believed were amply sufficient, and which he would be quite prepared, if necessary, on some future occasion to explain.

Up till Saturday last he had no intention of offering himself as a candidate for East Moreton, but on that day, several gentlemen, who had, he believed, learnt there was no probability of his leaving the colony at present, asked him whether he should have any objection to come forward for the representation of that district. He told them that he had a very great objection to come forward for any constituency, for having declined to come forward for the representation of Eastern Downs, he thought it would be a very poor compliment to a constituency who had stood bravely by him if he offered himself for any other constituency. (Hear, hear.)

He also told the gentlemen who applied to him that, though nothing could possibly induce him to take any steps himself in the matter, yet he was in the hands of the electors, whom he would now inform that, as long as he was living in the colony, and had an opportunity of taking any part in public events, he was not disinclined, if the electors still placed any faith in him, to be nominated for the electorate of East Moreton.

He was the more induced to adopt the course he had done, from his knowledge that several leading members of a liberal association, of which he confessed he had no very large cognisance, were looking for a candidate to oppose Mr. B. Cribb. He knew that several influential gentlemen, among whom was Mr. Macalister, had signed a requisition addressed to Mr. Hockings, asking him to come forward, which, however, he declined to do.

He also held that it was the right of any elector at any time previous to the nomination to bring forward any duly qualified member of the community whom he thought a certain number of the electors might think qualified to represent them. (Hear, hear.)

On the morning of the nomination he told several influential gentlemen that he would not be a party in any way to anything that might be construed into an indignity to his old constituency, but if the electors chose to bring him forward, well and good.

His old friend and political ally, as he was surely justified in calling Mr. Macalister, came up to him on the very same errand, and told him that if he would be good enough to allow him (Mr. Macalister) to bring him forward for West Moreton, he would guarantee that he should be brought in with flying colors. He (Mr. Douglas) had not the slightest objection to coming in with flying colors for West Moreton, but that was no reason why he should be prevented from coming forward for East Moreton, if any gentleman in the community nominated him for that electorate.

He had been represented, he was told, at the hustings, as a stranger to East Moreton. He, however, believed that when he made that statement, Mr. Macalister spoke a little under the influence of excitement. If he were a stranger to East Moreton, he was a greater stranger to West Moreton, and that disqualification would certainly apply equally as much to one electorate as to the other.

But was he really a stranger? (No, no.) He had lived on and off in Queensland for the last seventeen years—he had made a little money in the country and was sorry to say he had lost a good deal in it. He had at times appeared before constituencies which were deemed to be influential ones, and his name had occasionally appeared in the public prints.

He had also at times filled offices in the Government. Some newspapers represented him as a dreadful pluralist in that matter, but the total number of months he had spent in office did not yet quite amount to twelve, so that he thought any little imputations of his excessive love of office must be accepted with a slight sprinkling of salt.

That was his position with regard to the electorate of East Moreton. He had the utmost respect and a great personal regard for his friend Mr. Francis, who was an advanced politician, and should, above all things, regret if a gentleman of Mr. Francis' attainments, sterling integrity, and political insight, should be excluded from Parliament by any action of his.

With regard to Mr. Cribb, if the constituency of East Moreton returned, as it had an undoubted right to return, some half-dozen members instead of two, he should be glad indeed to see such an aged and well-tried political warrior—a political warrior who still retained so much of his vitality—again find scope for his undoubted pugnacity.

He must next say a few words with reference to his relations at the present moment, with the different parties which were represented in the late House.

His feeling of opposition to the present Ministry commenced shortly after their introduction of that great question which agitated the minds of the people so much the session before last. That was a question which he believed would long continue to agitate their minds, unless it were settled, and that he saw no probability of being immediately done.

The Government failed to grasp that question in a manner worthy of it, and showed they had no opinion whatever upon it. They failed to recognise their responsibility as a Government, and plainly told the House that its opinion was theirs, if it liked to enforce it with sufficient stringency.

Was that a position which any Government could occupy with honor to themselves and usefulness to the country? From that date his opposition to the Government had commenced, and it had continued ever since.

During the existence of the late Assembly, he had not failed to express his opinion with regard to the Government. He was still of that opinion, and until they had a decided expression of the representatives of the people upon that question, he should continue to hold it, and act upon it. (Cheers.)

Some reference had been made in the papers to offers which had been made to him in connection with the present Government, and he believed the public mind had absorbed the idea that he was in some way intriguing with that Government. (No, no.)

He had a personal regard for Mr. Mackenzie, and a sort of respect for the vigor and tenacity of purpose of the Colonial Secretary. Although, as a Government, he had opposed and was opposed to those men, he was not personally hostile to them.

They were mistaken as a Government, and though they might desire to do their duty, yet until, as a Government, they better recognised the duties which devolved upon them as such, they could not possess his confidence.

It was possible that his friendly relations with some of those gentlemen might have led them to suppose he was not indisposed to join their party. If such were the case, he was at any rate thankful to them for believing he should not be personally distasteful to them, but he was somewhat astonished that they should expect that, after the opinions he had expressed, he would cordially join them in carrying out their policy.

It would have been miserable vacillation in him, and an utterly mistaken policy for him to have accepted office under the head of a Government in whom, as such, he had no confidence. (Cheers.)

The next question on which he would touch—the representation of the people—furnished another ground of want of confidence in the present Government.

During the last session, when they came back to the Assembly, and with the permission of His Excellency resumed their seats as his Ministers, they informed the House that they deemed it most essential there should not be a dissolution, if possible, before the Re-distribution of Seats Bill was passed.

Had they been Ministers capable of estimating the real merits of the question, they would have informed the House on their return that they were determined, if possible, to carry a Re-distribution Bill, and not to vacate their seats until they had done so.

That would have been the position a determined set of men, who had faith in their own ideas, would have assumed, but they did not even produce the measure, but accepted a mere statement of the House that they would not have it.

They had then accorded them the right to a dissolution—a right which, under the circumstances, although he did not impugn the discretion of His Excellency, was a somewhat unusual one to concede.

He did not intend in the slightest degree to reflect upon the discretion exercised by His Excellency, who had only lately arrived in the colony, but he thought that a gentleman who had lived longer in the country, and was cognisant of public men and public events, would, under the circumstances, hardly have granted the right which was accorded to the present Ministry.

It was a somewhat equivocal exercise of the prerogative. (Cheers.)

After the vote of want of confidence was disposed of one way or another by the next Parliament, he supposed that the next question to deal with would be the re-distribution of seats.

He would briefly refer to a few of the anomalies at present existing. East Moreton, with a population of 14,000 people, returned only two members; West Moreton, with 7000 people, returned three; Western Downs, with 2234 people, was represented by two members.

Those were glaring contradictions, which must be to some extent, at any rate, redressed.

He was not an advocate for representation by population in its extremity, nor was he prepared to advocate entirely the principle which he believed Mr. R. Cribb was prepared to advocate—viz., that every 1000 people should have a representative.

Although he could not go as far as that, he was prepared to admit that they must recognise the principle of population as their chief guide.

It was ridiculous to say that property, income, and revenue could be made the test. The plain common sense and only test they could apply was that of population. (Loud cheers.)

Again, some of the towns were as disproportionately represented in proportion to their population as some of the districts.

Rockhampton, with a population of something over 6000, only returned one member; Toowoomba, with a population almost exactly the same as Rockhampton, was blessed with only one member; while Ipswich, with a population of 5000 persons, had three representatives.

Such glaring inconsistencies as those must be redressed.

He hoped, when the House met, hon. members would approach the question divested of strong party feeling.

It was the more necessary they should, on account of the two-thirds clause. When he last referred to the two-thirds clause he probably expressed himself with too great vehemence of manner. His feelings had, however, been roused.

He felt that the House had wittingly or unwittingly been placed in a position which might possibly bind it hand and foot, and render a settlement of the question almost impossible.

Some of the leading Conservatives of the representatives of the people might say that the two-thirds clause was the safe-guard for their liberties, and that without it they might drift in all sorts of anarchy, and adopt revolutionary ideas with regard to the Constitution.

He could not tolerate the expression of such an opinion, for he had great faith in the people.

His opinions upon the South Sea Island question would be best explained by reference to the course he took when the Polynesian Laborers Bill was before the House.

He had not then expressed himself very favorably disposed towards it.

The real question to be considered was not whether the islanders were good or bad.

The chief object of a colony, if there were any noble ambition in colonising—and he affirmed there was—was that by so doing they were building up a State, established on principles which would be handed down to futurity, and would be the foundation of future greatness or future ignominy.

That must always be a chief consideration when they approached the subjects, either of South Sea Island labor, or Australian labor in any form.

Their ambition was that they had transplanted and were transplanting noble specimens of the civilisation of Europe.

This then must be the leading idea in all matters connected with immigration—were they introducing men who would in Queensland become part of society, or who were fit to be members of society, and likely to continue as such, or were they merely barren grafts which would never sprout?

It seemed to him that the question might be illustrated very much by the manner in which the Chinese had landed here among them, but who had since to a great extent left them again.

From 1851 to 1854 and 6, the whole of the shepherding of what was now Queensland, but what was then New South Wales, was undertaken by Chinamen.

The shepherds went off almost en masse to the gold-diggings. No doubt they were an immense convenience for a time to the squatters of Queensland.

He was far from wishing to affirm that South Sea Islanders at present were not of some use to sugar growers in like manner, but he could not believe that, as now introduced, they could be considered a permanent supply of labor upon which the colonists could depend.

As the Chinamen had been for a time useful in Queensland, and had since almost disappeared from the country, so he believed the islanders might be useful for a time in Queensland.

Looking at the other side of the question, were they not bound to do something with regard to the revival of immigration from the old country and Europe? (Cheers.)

Although immigration from the United Kingdom was on the decrease, still, the very large number of 200,000 persons shipped from English ports every year. There was a diminution last year, but of that 200,000 persons, 150,000 went to the United States of America.

Was Queensland to get none of those persons?

Surely an effort should be made to devise a system of immigration upon which their whole future prosperity depended.

The subject should be looked upon, not alone from the point of view which they occupied in Queensland, but it should be considered as an Australian question.

The minds of men were moving upon the subject in Victoria, New South Wales, and South Australia.

They were all feeling they must revive these springs of life, and that could best be done by all the Australian colonies acting in concert.

Would it not be possible for them to appear in the home country as one people upon that question?

They must have their own individual interests no doubt; at one time one colony might be able to absorb more than another, but union upon that point, if properly worked, would prove beneficial to all the colonies.

He trusted that some movement would be made before long towards a united action on the part of the Australian colonies on that most important question.

He trusted the revival of the question might lead to the elucidation of ideas on the subject, and that he might really see something done towards effecting a practical union.

He hoped before long another intercolonial postal conference would be held, and that the colonies would again exchange ideas on important questions in connection with mail communication with the United Kingdom.

That was a question upon which no time should be lost.

The present Government had taken some action in that matter, and he believed they were moving with New South Wales to give effect to the realisation of an idea which he had had some share in carrying out—viz., the development of the route through Torres Straits. (Cheers.)

Upon the question of retrenchment, almost all public men were unanimous.

There was a good deal of carping about the excessive expenditure, but, when an attempt was made to reduce the expenditure, the districts in which it was proposed to commence the reduction, became absolutely furious if they did not get what they conceived to be their due.

He was far from wishing to affirm that the public service of the country was anything but most efficiently conducted.

He believed it to be so on the whole, and he did not think any Government, unless very much more urgently pressed than they had hitherto been, would undertake any serious retrenchment in that respect.

Some considered that provincial councils would, if established, reduce the expenditure.

In all probability provincial councils would—he would not say double their expenditure, but that provincial councils as evolved in the idea of Messrs. Archer and Fitzgerald, would very seriously and materially increase the colonial expenditure.

If they were to have local government let it be in the direction of the extension of municipal government.

A great deal was said about putting a tax upon land.

If the people were desirous of taxing themselves in that way no doubt the Government would gladly avail themselves of that method of raising revenue.

The people were no doubt anxious for a re-adjustment of the taxation.

The ad valorem duties were obnoxious and very unsatisfactory, because they were so frequently evaded.

That tax should only be resorted to under an emergency, and the people naturally looked for some re-adjustment of that taxation which was imposed on an emergency.

Next came the railway question.

He would say nothing against the railways already constructed—they were a great fact, and had conferred undoubted advantages upon the districts through which they passed; but when he heard of the extension of the railway system, he must tell them plainly that he must ask time to reflect upon the subject.

They must remember they were now paying something like £100,000 a year as interest for their railways.

Before he could deal with the question, he must know what was the financial position of the country, but as soon as they were in a position to go into the market for a single sixpence of additional railway loan, he would be prepared and willing and desirous that the railway should be extended from Ipswich to Brisbane.

That should be made a part and parcel of whatever extensions were decided upon.

If the electors would promise to elect him for the next ten years, he would not now promise positively as to the course he would pursue on that question. (Hear.)

He would go as far as to say that, if the railway went to Warwick it must also come to Brisbane, and if it went to either, there must be a further extension to the Dawson.

The whole of these extensions would not amount on a reasonable estimate to more than £700,000.

In Victoria, Mr. M'Culloch had stated the other day that the policy of his government was to extend the railway system of that colony, and that with the view of carrying out that extension, they proposed to place a loan upon the London market of £2,000,000.

Victoria with a population of 700,000 people, and a revenue exceeding £3,000,000, owed £10,000,000; Queensland, with a population of 100,000 people, and a revenue which last year did not amount to £700,000, owed £4,000,000.

It would, therefore, be seen that the conditions of the two colonies were very different.

They must not be carried away with the idea that because money was cheap at present in England, it would be wise to sacrifice the credit of the colony.

If they attempted to place on the London market another loan with anything like the precipitancy which characterised their previous loan, notwithstanding the fact that their debentures were at present quoted at 109, they would go down to an amount which it would be undeserving of the colony to accept.

Mr. Douglas resumed his seat amid loud cheers.

In reply to Mr. John Cameron,

Mr. Douglas said most unquestionably he would be prepared, if a feasible scheme were brought forward, to offer facilities to a company to construct the line between Ipswich and Brisbane; and in reply to Mr. Taylor, he said that if the Government of the country, authorised by the Legislature of the country, considered that he was fitted to occupy the responsible position of Immigration Agent to England, a position which he conceived would be worth living for, he would gladly accept such an appointment, as he considered it to be the highest honor which could be conferred upon him. (Loud cheers.)

Mr. W. Brookes said he did not think it was necessary to pass a vote of confidence in Mr. Douglas. The electors would best show their appreciation of the very masterly address they had just heard, by not subjecting Mr. Douglas to what was only a formality. He moved a vote of thanks to his Worship the Mayor, for the ability with which he had discharged his duties as chairman.

Mr. N. W. Wyer seconded the motion, which was carried by acclamation. The meeting then dispersed.

Douglas - to the electors of Eastern Downs - August 1868

TO THE ELECTORS OF THE EASTERN DOWNS.

The Brisbane Courier, 26 August 1868 p. 1

GENTLEMEN,—I regret to say that circumstances will prevent me from again offering myself as a candidate for election to the Legislative Assembly. On retiring from the representation of your District, permit me to say a few words to you in reference to the prospects of the country, so far as they are affected by political considerations. Associated at various times, both in and out of office, with men of different political tendencies, including both the present Premier and the Leader of the Opposition, and having represented at different times constituencies both in the Northern and Southern portions of the Colony, I am more and more convinced that party combinations, to be of any real service to the country, must represent certain intelligible political principles. How far such principles have hitherto been represented in the Government of Queensland it is not for me at present to enquire; but now, after the struggle for expenditure has moderated, and when, as we are told, a Liberal party is in course of formation, it is not an unfitting occasion for you, and for the constituencies, to consider whether it is really worth while to have a policy deserving the name, or whether it is more in accordance with the necessities of our position to drift on unintelligently the victims of capricious impulse, and of the personal antipathies of our public men.

First and foremost, far exceeding all others in importance, because it includes all others, is the question of Representation. No Liberal party having any pretention to consistency, can for one moment admit that interests—whether those interests are pastoral, agricultural, mineral, or commercial—should be separately represented. In proportion as they can exercise their influence they will find representatives to advocate their special claims to consideration; but a liberal party in any country, most certainly a liberal party in a new country such as this, can never accept any other basis of representation than that of population—established and industrious, at once the source and product of wealth and enterprise. No party denies that the representation requires re-adjustment; the Liberal party, I presume, must assert population to be the only basis upon which it can accept a re-adjustment of that representation, and as a preliminary step introductory to effectual legislation in this direction, the repeal of the two-thirds clause of the Constitution Act, so far as it applies to the Legislative Assembly, is absolutely essential.

In connection with this subject the eventual division of the present territory of Queensland into two separate colonies claims attention, for it is simply impossible to provide effectually for the representation of the outlying Northern Districts in a Provincial Parliament of Queensland sitting at Brisbane. I had hoped, if the late Parliament had been in session a few weeks longer, to have succeeded in persuading the Legislature to remit this question to the consideration of Her Majesty's Ministers, who are well qualified to treat with disinterested impartiality, and by whose authority the separation, which is inevitable, must finally be carried into effect.

Next in importance to the question of Representation, comes that of our Land Laws. I impugn neither the motives of those who passed the present law, nor the intentions of those who desire to maintain it in operation. The interpretation put on the previous Agricultural Reserves Act—an interpretation which had never been put on it until the present Administration came into office—has been productive of a most demoralising system of fraud; and I believe that, in spite of all precautions, these frauds will be perpetrated under the present Act, wherever the inducements are sufficiently strong. It is singularly inapplicable to your district, and has been worked with disastrous effect; but I believe you have seen the worst of it. The special value attached to land on the Downs requires exceptional treatment, and I feel satisfied that no mode of alienation which it would be possible to apply would give anything approaching to general satisfaction. I would say, then, with regard to this experimental land legislation—give it a fair trial; do not make another sudden change too suddenly; correct the administration; and for the future, it can be no part of the policy of a Liberal party to oppose the alienation of land, or to clog it with abortive conditions. Free trade, ample right of selection before and after survey, together with the competitive system of sales by auction, judiciously applied by a discerning Administration alive to the real necessities of the country, may in this, as in almost every other case, be safely relied on.

Then with regard to our financial position, and, as intimately connected with this, our Railway and Immigration Policy. It must surely be admitted by the party of progress that the development of both the one and the other are as essential and as inevitable as the development of the country itself, of which, I presume, no party has any doubt whatever. But, as to the method of giving effect to this policy, I fancy that there must be a change both in principle and in practice. The [uncertain: juggle] puerile [uncertain passage] of the last few years cannot [uncertain passage] much profit; what, for instance, could be more unreasonable than the [uncertain passage] ventured to question the [uncertain passage] for Warwick, that he [uncertain passage] from a Government [uncertain passage] previously supported because [uncertain passage] of their [uncertain passage] during the present year in order to complete the extension from Allora to Warwick?

That the railway will be completed to Warwick at no distant day admits of no more reasonable doubt than that it will be extended to Brisbane, as in like manner the railway from Westwood will be extended towards the rich pastoral and mineral district of the Dawson and Peak Downs. But to make these demands, or any demands beyond those of immediate necessity, upon a Treasury already seriously overtaxed, is so manifestly unreasonable to those who are aware of the real position of the country that I cannot understand how they can be urged by men who, in ordinary matters of business are capable of estimating what is expedient, much more what is just and honest.

If it had still been my privilege to have become a candidate for the representation of the Eastern Downs, I could not have pledged myself to have claimed any further votes for any portions of railways not under contract, because I know that the circumstances of the country do not at present justify a large Railway Loan, and no such Loan can with justice be authorised until we are in a position to treat the question in a systematic and sufficient manner.

I give you my disinterested advice, when I ask the future members for Warwick and the Eastern Downs to believe that their best policy in the long run on this question will be a policy which is consistent with justice to the whole community. The increased value possibly provided by these considerations which are not to be weighed [uncertain passage] against a consistent policy based on reason and justice, which might entail a further delay of some twelve or eighteen months.

There are other matters to which I might refer, but I have already exceeded the bounds of such an address as this. Permit me, however, in conclusion, to give you my very warmest thanks for the very kind and considerate manner with which I have always been treated by the majority of my constituents, among whom I have valued friends of many years standing.

My best wishes attend you all, rich and poor alike, and with regard to this election—and to all future elections—I hope that you will send to the front, men who will fight for your rights, and whom you can trust, and men who will adhere to their colors, whatever they are.

I am, your obedient, faithful servant,

J. DOUGLAS.

John Douglas addressing the electors at Warwick, July 1868

MR. JOHN DOUGLAS, M.L.A., AND THE ELECTORS OF EASTERN DOWNS.

Warwick Argus and Tenterfield Chronicle, Wednesday 15 July 1868, p. 2

Mr. J. Douglas, M.L.A., addressed the electors of the Eastern Downs on Monday evening. The Court House was crowded to excess, and his Worship the Mayor (Mr. James Morgan) was called to the chair.

The Chairman in a few brief remarks said that the meeting had been convened for the purpose of giving the honourable member for Eastern Downs an opportunity of giving an account of his stewardship, and he was quite sure it was unnecessary for him to ask that meeting to give a patient hearing to any person who might address them. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. Douglas, M.L.A., who, on coming forward, was received with loud cheers, said that it was now rather less than twelve months since he had last addressed them, when they had done him the honour to elect him as their representative. Not being a resident of their district, he had not the opportunity of becoming so well informed of many matters which had occurred, and were of deep interest in the district. There were many things of which he had been informed, however, not only from private correspondence, but also from the channels of public information. He had much wished to have been present at their Agricultural show, as at such times they could meet together in genial intercourse, and, as it were, throw aside all political feelings. In addressing them that evening, he did not come there to stir up any angry political feeling or animosity, but there were some plain truths which he must certainly bring before them. He would, however, first refer to the agricultural meeting, which tended in so many ways to the development of their agricultural resources. He congratulated the members of the E. D. H. and A. Society, on their successful efforts. He believed from what he had heard that the show was a success, and he was glad to see their esteemed friend, Mr. Deuchar, taking an active part in the society. If the residents of that district would only rally round, and aid the objects of the society, there would be no better one in the colony of Queensland. The district had long been famed for the choiceness of the stock raised in it, and it was quite right that such should have been at the show. From all he could ascertain their show had passed off quite as successfully as the Royal Agricultural Show at Dalby. He thought they should keep the head-quarters of that show at Toowoomba, it would in the long run be better for their interests, as Toowoomba was easily approachable from all sides. He hoped that their society would so grow and increase, that the Royal Society could make over to them all their land and properties. If the farmers, landholders, and proprietors united to support them, they would succeed in establishing the society on a sure and firm basis.

He had always thought and hoped that this would be the great wheat-producing district of the colony; why was it not so? It was not because it would not grow it, neither was it because money, enterprise, or perseverance had been wanting, but solely in consequence of the rust, which had been so prevalent as to have deprived many farmers of their entire crop. But they must not be disheartened, for if they could only produce wheat in large quantities they would add immensely to the wealth of the district and the colony at large. Rust prevailed throughout the whole of Australia, and the average growth of wheat in South Australia was but seven bushels to the acre. This ought to induce them to try some remedy, and the object of their society should be to give some attention to the matter, and try and find a preventative. As agriculture had been brought to a science of the highest knowledge, they might very fairly hope to gain some knowledge of the cause of rust in wheat, its cure and removal. Their future depended far more on these local matters, than on politics, and their welfare depended upon the development of the industry of the district. Scotchmen were acknowledged to be at the present day the best farmers in the world, but that very high farming was acquired from England itself, even ploughing was only introduced into Scotland about one hundred and fifty years back, and that too, by an English lady who married into a Scotch family. They should reciprocate the knowledge they each possessed on these matters, and by local agricultural societies, ascertain the best mode of farming, and thereby arrive at such a solution of the question as would tend to the permanent welfare of the district.

He would now go into the political events at issue since he last met them. They would remember that when they last elected him, he was then in office in the Government of Queensland, the election being the result of an appeal to the country on the land question. A majority had been returned to support their measures, when they suddenly found themselves, through the defection of one or two of their members, in a very uncertain position. He saw that Dr. O'Doherty, when addressing the electors of Brisbane, had also referred to the unparalleled position in which ministers had found themselves placed. Two of their supporters, Messrs. Pritchard and Pugh, had turned round on them, and Mr. Pugh actually wrote to Mr. Macalister, advising him to resign, believing that his colleagues in the ministry would be so mean and despicable as to accept such a piece of advice. Another gentleman took a like opportunity to desert us (name, name), he did not intend to withhold his name, it was Dr. Challinor, who gave as his reason that it was in consequence of him (Mr. Douglas) being appointed Minister for Public Works. This was the accusation brought against him, and he might safely say that he was not more incompetent than any Minister for Works who had ever yet held office in the colony (hear, hear), at any rate he had done his duty (loud cheers), and he should like to know if the present ministry had ever done so?

One of his first duties in that office, on discovering that Mr. Bourne, the contractor for the Dalby Line, had overdrawn his account, and that they had no power to compel him to complete it, was to cancel the contract, and put it into the hands of effective men; unless such had been done, the contract could not have been finished for twelve months. (Hear, hear.) And again with Mr. Fitzgibbon, who, in his opinion, was most inefficient; there was no lack of boldness or determination in his measures, but he (the speaker) found it necessary to terminate his connection with the Government, and did so. (Hear, hear.)

When Mr. Macalister found himself shamefully deserted by some of his supporters, he called a meeting of them, and it was agreed they should resign. He (the speaker), believed that, although they had only a majority of two, they should have fought it out; at any rate until they had carried out their Land measures, or until they had received a direct vote of want of confidence. He could not fancy a more humiliating position for a Government to be placed, and then the late ministry went out of power.

The present Government, without waiting for the verdict of the country, by a side wind, changed the whole policy of their land measures. The sham selections dated from the very first day the ministry came into power (hear, hear), and the result has been the system which has been carried out, and been so prevalent in this district. There had been no new law passed, a hint, probably, and then we saw a complete change in their policy. The previous ministry had proclaimed large reserves, and the policy of that ministry had been to afford every facility for the people to settle on the lands of the colony. But from the date of their entry into power sham selections came into force, and they had recourse to all sorts of, to use a very mild term, duplicity, and thereby gain supporters by enabling them, as it were, to rob the public estate. (Hear, hear.) It was never the intention of the people or the Assembly to allow the lands of the colony to be dealt with in the manner they have been, yet they found the Government prepared to allow of this, to gain a fugitive support, which will fail them shortly, (hear, hear), preferring thereby the fleeting support of a few, which he hoped would, ere long, fail them, (loud cheers), to the welfare of the people and of the colony generally.

A Land Bill, a good one in comparison with the present one, was introduced and partially discussed—no one liking to tackle it. They were determined, however, to take the wind out of Macalister's sails. If the bill had been passed in its integrity it would have worked well, and not have had such a miserable effect as it has had, more particularly in their district. The Colonial Secretary said, we wish you to worry a Land Bill, not to death, but into life. The House submitted this Bill to a Select Committee; every day the Government Printer had new clauses and alterations to make, and he must say in praise of Dr. Challinor that he was never absent from his place when the Bill was in committee, and gave his opposition to every clause of it. It was ridiculous to suppose that a Ministry could safely entrust such a bill, unless a tight and firm hand was held over those who directed it, but the result of their labours had been most unsatisfactory and inconclusive, and would be so, unless a Ministry had a defined policy from which they would not depart.

The sole advantage he could see in it was, that it gave homestead selections for a mere trifle. Numerous clauses of it his experience led him to totally disagree with. He knew it was said that it gave an opening for a new class of settlers, between the farmer and the squatter, but the administering of it had proved quite the contrary, and he was quite sure that it would be eventually found that it would be only a repetition of the dummying system. He was quite sure that as a way had been found to carry on that system, an equally easy way would be found to ride over the present regulations. He sincerely hoped there would be some independent men who would become proprietors of from one to five thousand acres of land, he should consider them as the most favourable men that could settle amongst them.

He must take that occasion of expressing his regret at the glaring and shameful manner in which the divisions of runs had been made, and in the lands which the Government had leased for ten years. That men who had occupied country for twenty and even thirty years, and after all claims had been satisfied, should be granted an additional lease of ten years, seemed nothing less than a crying shame. (Hear, hear.) He believed that such a measure should never have been allowed to pass. It was satisfactory for him to know that he had never voted for any less reserve on each side of the railway lines than ten miles; he would that all the members for their district had done the same. (Hear, hear.)

His attention had been specially directed to the manner in which the Act had been administered. There was no doubt whatever that the Bill was badly administered. They were told that pre-emptive rights had been given for improvements on freehold land, and that the country most valuable for agricultural purposes had passed into the hands of leaseholders. (Hear, hear.) He did not wish to prejudge the Minister for Lands, defective as all his acts had been, until he had ascertained certain facts, but if it was as it had been represented to him, it would be one of the primary duties of Parliament to enquire in what manner the provisions of that miserable Bill had been carried out. (Hear, hear.) He did not wish to make imputations unless he was prepared to prove them, but he would express his belief that the mal-administration of the Land Bill was even greater than was now believed.

There were two primary principles which must be carried out. He did not say that the mischief, if mischief there had been, was irremediable, there was no doubt but that during the short time it had been working, it had done immense wrong to that district, still some districts would profit. He would now for a brief time draw their attention to the mode he would attempt to remedy the evil. He would retain the homestead selections, believing that if men undertook farming on a small scale, and chose to go through the difficulties, trials, and obstacles, which presented themselves, let them do it, and every advantage should be thrown in their way. That was a principle that never would be upset. (Hear, hear.)

Then again, he was in favour of a return to the old system of sale by auction for cash. His experience did not lead him to think much of the system of deferred payments and selection. If full scope was given to the system of auction for cash, and which in other countries had proved so successful, he was certain it would work better. He would rather see every acre of the Darling Downs sold for cash, than the miserable manner at present in vogue. (Hear, hear.) What were the consequences of the present system? The lands were surveyed at a great expense; large portions were being given to station-holders under the pre-emptive right or on ten years' leases. Would it not be far better for them to have been sold for £1 per acre each? Where was the land revenue to come from if there were no sales for cash? and the question could not be looked at apart from finance.

With respect to the finance question, last year landed them with a considerable deficit—some £100,000 in the year's transactions. Mr. Mackenzie had also estimated that there would be one at the end of the present year—in fact, every year they were getting behindhand, and the total liabilities of Queensland were now about four millions; this is about four years, [made?] the expenditure about one million a year of borrowed capital. If they were to continue in such a way, they were bound to inevitable ruin, unless every man, woman, and child in the colony were subject to increased taxation; and he felt sure that no Government who had the brass to come down and ask to impose additional taxes would meet with any support.

Some remedy for this state of affairs would be the auction sale of lands for cash, and he should certainly prefer it to the present indefinite deferred payments. The question of the upset price of lands was a matter of great consideration. He would not sell any country lands on the Downs for five shillings per acre—it was a matter which might be left to any Minister for Lands to fix the upset price. In some districts it was quite probable that the lands would not be more than five shillings per acre, and for that reason he had determinedly voted against the upset price being fixed at twenty shillings. There was Mr. Davenport, himself a dummy, who would invest a great deal of money if he could only get a slice of the Darling Downs, and was quite prepared to give the twenty shillings per acre for it. He (the speaker) knew that some of the old landholders and leaseholders, especially those who had been playing their vagaries lately, did not like the foreign capitalists, but his best wishes were with them. (Hear, hear.) He only hoped they would stake their money on the chances.

Many were looking forward to what was called their resources to relieve them from debt; others seemed to think that a day of reckoning would never come, and that they could be as jolly as possible for the next few years. He believed that the present Government intended to ask for another loan in the forthcoming Session; the amount would be only a small one, and it would easily go down. His idea would be not to have one at all—that it would be better to defer the loan to a time when they could report more favourably of their prospect than at present. He should rather wait till they could show an excess of revenue over expenditure, as it would be more honourable and creditable to their present creditors.

Another thing was, they should not enter on any fresh public works under the assurance that they could get money whenever they liked. The habit hitherto had been to first accept the contract, and then to see where the money was to come from; the result of that system was that they had been compelled to sell their debentures at a great sacrifice. Let them look at Victoria, the greatest, most magnificent, and grandest colony in the world; and again at Tasmania, when after having surveys taken and plans prepared, applied for a loan of £400,000; they received the offer of more than a million, at only one per cent premium, instead of paying for it as Queensland had done.

It fell to his lot when Treasurer, and when the contractors were pulling at them, in order to complete contracts, to be compelled to sell at ruinous sacrifices; and he hoped no future Treasurer of Queensland would be placed in the same position as he was when holding that office. No contracts should ever again be entered into, without it being first ascertained how, when, and where the money was to come from to carry them out.

In conclusion, he might say, that he had always attempted to do his duty to the country and to them. He had certainly never followed out his own personal ends, neither had he sacrificed his principles to his profit, and so long as he continued to represent them he should do so faithfully. He feared that it might not be long that he should be permitted to remain in the colony; he could however safely say that he had never dishonoured himself or them during the many years he had been their representative. He should always carry with him a happy recollection of the country and their district, and hoped that others would look forward to perform the duties which he had endeavoured to perform in a perhaps feeble but never distrustful mind. (The honorable member resumed his seat amidst loud applause.)

Three cheers were then called for Mr. Douglas, M.L.A., and three for the Mayor, (Mr. Morgan), and which were heartily responded to.

Mr. Douglas proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which being duly acknowledged, the meeting separated. 

Political editorial on John Douglas's performance, November 1867

Examiner and Times (Warwick), Saturday 9 November 1867, p. 2

There are few members in the present House of Assembly who owe more to their constituents than Mr. John Douglas. In spite of a strenuous opposition; against the united efforts of all the most influential residents in the Eastern Downs, such faith had the people of Warwick and neighbourhood in their old member, and so great was his popularity when he came before them at the last election, that, in spite of some reticence in matters on which he ought to have spoken, and a little prevarication in regard to others, they returned him in preference to his opponent by a large majority. Nothing appears more curious to the student of history than the favor and popularity with which some men are regarded, whilst others of infinitely more worth are looked upon with coldness and suspicion. A ready smile, a pleasant voice, an easy flow of language when addressing a mob, will go far to cover a multitude of inconsistencies and weaknesses.

It would puzzle any of Mr. Douglas's supporters to show what he has done for this district, or for any other, that he should have been looked upon with so much favor by the electors of the Eastern Downs. The agitation he created about the Gladfield Reserve whilst member for Rockhampton, has, thanks to some of his friends who were ever sounding his praises, been sufficient to throw in the background his vote against the Warwick Railway, which we suppose was given to mollify his late constituents in Rockhampton, in which it seemed to have failed signally. Knowing, as we do, the country on Gladfield, we are not surprised that no one has ever applied for an acre of land upon it, though how it happens that having two or three thousand acres of melon and crab-hole flats left open for purchase should have contributed so much towards Mr. Douglas's popularity, is a matter for curious conjecture.

In a recent debate on the Estimates Mr. Douglas opposed Mr. Clark's motion to the effect “that it would be unjust to take away the letter-carrier from Warwick,” alleging as his reason that the majority of the people of Warwick did not care about having a postman, he only being of service to two or three merchants in the town; but so far is this from being the case that if there was no letter carrier the merchants would be able to get their letters two hours earlier by sending to the post-office than they do now when they have to wait until they are brought round; and on the other hand the convenience to the majority of the inhabitants of Warwick is very great. We are not much surprised at anything Mr. Douglas may do, but it does seem rather strange that after opposing the Government on every occasion hitherto he should all at once agree with them in carrying a matter which is against the interest of his constituents.

We quite agree with Mr. Archer, who in a recent debate said—

“When I look upon the hon. member for Eastern Downs, and see what he is, and then consider what he might have been, I am grieved that his many inconsistencies should have ruined a political career which was once so promising.”

We are all aware that Mr. Douglas depends in a great measure on politics for a livelihood, and having once been a Minister he doubtless aspires again to the same eminence, and this was very likely his reason for opposing the Government so strongly when they proposed to reduce their own salaries, by which they would have effected a saving of eight hundred pounds a year to the country. But surely a very little common sense would have sufficed to show him the foolishness of opposing a vote of an hundred pounds for the service of a letter carrier in Warwick, which would benefit so many of his constituents in a town from which, on the showing of his leader, Mr. Macalister, so much land revenue is derived, and in which so little Government money has been expended.

Most of our readers will recollect the tale which an eminent lady in France told, to account for the extraordinary conduct of the Regent Orleans. She said that all the fairies were invited to his christening, and gave him all kinds of good qualities to aid his progress through the world, but one old fairy that had been forgotten gave him as a present such indecision of character as completely destroyed the good which was intended by the others. Some such event seems to have happened to Mr. Douglas, who although in possession of many qualities which might be useful to the community, yet they are all nullified by a fickleness which renders any dependence upon him impossible. We would warn Mr. Douglas against losing the good opinion of the people here, for we believe that if once he forfeits their confidence he will not be able to prevail on any other constituency in the colony to choose him for their representative. Doubtless Mr. Douglas will despise our warning, but we have watched his course in politics for these few years, and to no one in the House do we think that Jacob's description of Reuben would apply with greater force, “unstable as water thou shalt not excel.”

Eastern Downs Election. Nomination Day - June 1867

The Eastern Downs Election — Nomination Day

Warwick Argus and Tenterfield Chronicle, Friday, 21 June 1867, p. 2.

The nomination of candidates to represent the electorate of Eastern Downs in the new Parliament, took place here on Tuesday at noon. Hustings had been specially erected for the occasion, as it was judged there would not be sufficient room in the Court House to carry out the proceedings properly, and afford accommodation for the large assemblage anticipated to be present. The weather, however, proved most unpropitious, the rain coming down, as it had done for about twelve hours previously, with a cold, uncomfortable steadiness. It being, therefore, impossible to conduct the proceedings out of doors, the Returning-officer decided to make use of the Court House, which was densely crowded before twelve o'clock, and many were unable to gain admission. At the appointed hour,

The RETURNING-OFFICER (D. M. Sinclair, Esq., P.M.) rose, and stated that that was the third time within nine months on which they had met to elect a representative to serve them for the electorate of Eastern Downs. He then read the writ received from His Excellency, and concluded by calling upon the electors to nominate candidates.

Mr. JAMES MORGAN rose and proposed the Hon. John Douglas as a fit and proper person to represent the electorate of Eastern Downs in the ensuing Parliament. He regretted that the gentleman who had so gracefully performed the duty on the previous occasion was not there to perform the same duty that day. Every act of Mr. Douglas's past Parliamentary career was such as ought to gain the confidence of all the electors, and every one who had the interest of his family at heart would, he hoped, follow his example, by voting for Mr. Douglas.

Mr. SIMON MAYER rose to second the nomination, and endorsed the views of the previous speaker, concluding by saying that he hoped on polling day each and every one would vote for Mr. Douglas. (Cheers.)

The RETURNING-OFFICER then called upon any other elector to propose another candidate, when, after an interval of about two or three minutes, the audience staring wonderingly one at another, expecting that Mr. Green had retired from the field,

Mr. JAMES M'INTOSH proposed that Mr. Charles Henry Green was a fit and proper person to represent the electorate of Eastern Downs in the ensuing Parliament.

Mr. J. WINSTONE seconded the motion.

The RETURNING-OFFICER called for a show of hands on behalf of the candidates, and declared the result to be in favour of Mr. Douglas. (Loud cheers.)

Mr. GREEN demanded a poll, and was met by great uproar, which lasted for several minutes. He attempted to make some remarks, but the noise was such as to drown his voice.

The RETURNING-OFFICER here interfered, and called the attention of the audience on behalf of the candidates who rose to address them.

The Hon. J. DOUGLAS then rose, and was met by rapturous applause. He said—Mr. Returning-Officer, and Electors of Eastern Downs—the reception you have given me to-day affords me some amends for the disappointment I feel that the gentlemen who on a former occasion proposed and seconded me with so much pleasure as a fit and proper person to represent you in Parliament have now joined the ranks in the hostile camp. Those who then professed to support me now oppose me, and it is some satisfaction to me that from the reception with which I have been met to-day, I can rely upon your suffrages on the present occasion. I am most anxious that the contest should be conducted in the most friendly spirit. My opponents are almost all my personal friends. The only difference between us has been that of politics, and I hope no other difference will ever occur between us. But, gentlemen, I am not here to serve friends—I am here to serve the public. (Cheers.) I did expect that on this occasion we should have had something that would relieve the solemn tedium usual on occasions like the present. I did expect from the opposition that something would have been said to lead you to believe that I was unworthy to be your representative; instead of that, we had a few bald words which neither show that I am unworthy, nor that the gentlemen who oppose me is worthy of your support. In exposing the inconsistency of my opponents, I will read the terms in which Mr. Chas. Clark, on the last occasion, proposed me as a fit and proper person to represent you in the Legislative Assembly. (He then read an extract from the Warwick Argus, speaking of him—Mr. Douglas—in the most superlative terms.) I now understand that both these gentlemen who proposed and seconded me are determined to turn me out, and have signed a requisition to Mr. Green to come forward and oust me if possible from the proud position of being your representative. (Mr. Green here rose and denied the imputation.) I am almost ashamed that a gentleman who, under such feelings of pleasure, could state that there was no man other than myself whom they could choose to represent them who could do it so well—that, in fact, I was “the most rising statesman in Queensland.” (Cheers.) I am sure, gentlemen, you will excuse all my blushes in the face of such redundant terms of compliment from Mr. Charles Clark. Surely I must have done something very dreadful when I see these gentlemen now arrayed against me. What have I done to merit this censure? (A Voice: You did not give them run enough.) Gentlemen, I now come to the question, which above all questions is now agitating your minds. Our land policy is the mainstay at issue at the present time. Mr. Green tells you that it was in consequence of my action in reference to certain offices of the State which I hold that he now opposes me. Do you believe it? (A Voice: No.) No more do I. (Cheers.) I tell you it is not a matter of indifference to any elector present whether or not I am elected for the Eastern Downs. It is not a personal matter, but affects the well-being of the colony at large, for you are struggling to assert those rights which you have never hitherto possessed. A gross system of mismanagement has hitherto prevailed, and it is only now that the people are beginning to feel their power and indicate their will to exercise it. I will now tell you the real reason of all this opposition. The fact is, that the Government had taken such action in connection with the Crown Lands, that these gentlemen did not like it, and all sorts of objections were taken to the Reserves which had been recently proclaimed. It had been repeatedly asserted that these lands so reserved were unfitted for agricultural purposes; but I simply assert that such is not the case. (The speaker then shortly referred to the subject of a Commonage for Warwick, and said that the question was too complicated to discuss its merits then, but he would state, on the part of the Government, that when the question was fairly before the House it would be properly adjusted.) The speaker then entered upon some very humorous remarks with regard to Mr. Green's liberality, which called forth great laughter, and after some bantering and uproar silence was restored.) Did you ever know anything wrong with me in discharge of the functions of my office as a magistrate amongst you? (A Voice: No!) You have known me in my place in the Legislature of Queensland. Did I ever do anything to dishonour my pledge, or forfeit your esteem? And when your interests were neglected, was I not the only one who stood forward in your defence? If you want to pick a quarrel with me in reference to the Warwick and Toowoomba Railway, you can do so if you like, or if any other elector has anything against me in connection with this electorate, let him come forward and state it. (Great applause.) You have now important principles to decide. If the party now dominant is to be dominant still, and you reject me as your representative, I must accept your verdict; but it will not be the verdict of the country. Their triumph will only be short-lived, and the result must be that the principles which I seek to be established will be established firmly. In this particular portion of the colony there might be corruption, but nevertheless the cause would not be lost. (The speaker sat down amidst loud applause.)

Mr. CHAS. CLARK rose, and wished to put a few questions. Having read a letter in the Warwick Argus, signed F. A. Cooper, he asked the candidate if it was written with either his sanction or knowledge.

Mr. DOUGLAS emphatically said “No!”

The same question was repeated with reference to an advertisement in the same paper, headed: “Vote for Douglas and Cooper,” to which Mr. Douglas replied that he had no connection with Mr. Cooper, either privately or politically, but stood upon his own footing.

Mr. MARSHAL, amidst great uproar, asked if, in the event of his being rejected for the Eastern Downs, he intended to stand for the town electorate?

Mr. DOUGLAS replied that if rejected, he should not stand for any other electorate.

Mr. GEORGE CLARK asked whether the candidate was prepared to do away with the restrictions in the Agricultural Reserves.

Mr. DOUGLAS replied that he was not prepared to do anything of the sort, as, in his opinion, cultivation and occupation restrictions were most important for the future well-being of the country. There were thousands of acres of land at the heads of certain creeks suitable for agriculture which it was of vast importance should be kept open.

Mr. GEORGE CLARK put a lengthy question regarding what should be done with the land on the west side of the railway, to which Mr. DOUGLAS replied that he would advocate the throwing open of all good watered country, whether black soil or not, so as to extend the settled districts of the colony.

Mr. GEORGE CLARKE asked the candidate if he was prepared, in the event of a re-distribution of seats, to advocate for a member for the four centres?

Mr. DOUGLAS said he believed that the town boundary was a very improper one. He believed population to be the only true basis whereon to define the electorates, but he would not give a special member to farmers more than to blacksmiths or bushcrushers. (Laughter.)

Mr. C. H. GREEN then came forward and after returning thanks to Mr. Douglas for his courtesy, said—I can take no exception to anything he has uttered. I was his friend almost as soon as he came to the country, and though we may differ on the ground of politics, I trust no other difference will ever arise between us. I should however, have liked to have heard Mr. Douglas say something about the enormous indebtedness of the colony. I should have liked him to have told us how the sum of £225,000 annually, as interest on the sale of our debentures is to be met. By his silence on this point I think he has somewhat shirked the question. The amount of our indebtedness is something enormous, and Mr. Douglas, of all others, was in the best position to explain what the Government intended to do to get us out of the mess in which they had involved us. Why should such an amount for the payment of interest on the sale of debentures go out of the country? Mr. Douglas took great credit to himself for his consistency, but if that consistency had been fully believed in, there would have been no opposition to him that day. Mr. Douglas had opposed the Warwick Railway, and he never changed his tactics until he became a Minister of the Crown. Is that consistency? I well recollect last Christmas morning last, when Mr. Douglas called upon me at Goomburra. The very first question I asked was, “What are you going to do about the Warwick Railway?” His reply was, “I have joined the present Ministry, and henceforth their policy must be my policy,” and afterwards we suddenly find him carrying out the very work he had previously opposed. Is that consistency? Then as to his resigning the Treasurership upon the ground that he could not agree with the policy of the Government regarding the question of Immigration, which he had declared to be the most important question of the day, and immediately afterwards accepting office with the same Ministry, was another piece of gross inconsistency. He knew perfectly well that as Colonial Treasurer it would suit not his book to receive land orders instead of cash, and his course of procedure was simply removing the difficulties of his position to other shoulders, and at the same time securing his own pay as a Minister of the Crown. All that Mr. Douglas had explained with regard to the course he had adopted, was that it was understood between Mr. Macalister and himself that the question of immigration should remain an open one. If he could not agree with the policy of the Government as Treasurer, how could he conscientiously remain with them as Minister for Works, when the policy they were about to adopt was identically the same he had avowedly denounced. You do not require any renewal of immigration under any system whatever. When our railways are finished we shall have labour enough to last us for at least two years to come, without any fresh immigrants landing on our shores. Whence did all this gross mismanagement arise? Did it not arise with the Government of which Mr. Douglas was a member? (Interruption, Mr. Douglas denying that he was responsible, as he had not long been a member of the Government.) Who sent to England for railway stations and plant when there were hundreds of men out of employment who could have built these stations? Why, the Government of which Mr. Douglas was a member. Who had spent £16,000 for a station at Ipswich, and £28,000 for that at Toowoomba? Why, the Government of which Mr. Douglas was a member. (Mr. Douglas here explained that the total cost of all the stations would not exceed £50,000.) Who was it that had spent a vast amount of money in the erection of that monument of extravagance and folly, the Council Chambers in Brisbane? Why, the Government of which Mr. Douglas was a member. (Interruption.) I will now say a few words upon the Impounding Act. (Groaning and uproar.) I do not agree with its present provisions. I have been accused of impounding to a great degree from Goomburra, but within six years I have only sent cattle to the Warwick pound seven times; and I defy you to prove that I ever sent a horned beast to the Allora pound in my life. I have heard a piteous tale of a poor old woman with fifteen children, whose cows I am represented to have impounded, but as I never in my life sent a beast to the Allora pound, the charge does not affect me much. After all, the main question is the land question, and my idea is, that the squatter should hold the land until the people require it for other purposes than that of grazing. I think the change should be a gradual one, and the time has now arrived when the squatter ought to give way. I prefer the homœpathic treatment to the allopathic system of blistering and bleeding. We have however, nothing but our lands to fall back upon, and those lands must be sold, no matter who holds them, to pay our debts. Every squatter's interest is as much involved as that of the agriculturist. With respect to the recent proclamation of Reserves, Mr. Douglas has stated that the cause of my opposition is that I do not agree with it. Such is not the case. If one word from me to-morrow morning would do away with those Reserves, I would not utter it. The value of these lands has been very much over-rated, as many of the electors well know. There was more good land on the other side of the railway, and the time has arrived when the whole of these lands ought to be reserved. (Mr. Douglas: They can be.) The conduct of the Government with reference to Mr. Hill's report has not been bona fide. He (Mr. Hill) had done his work openly, honestly, and as a man, and if you return me as your representative, I shall at once recommend that the whole of that report be carried out in its integrity. To a certain extent I agree with Mr. Douglas. (Great interruption, which rendered the speaker inaudible for some minutes). If I find the sense of the House to be in favour of all the black soil being at once thrown open, I shall not be against it. I shall also advocate that those farmers who have taken up land under the old Act at 6d. an acre shall have those lands placed under the operation of the present Leasing Act, and the money they have paid in rent to be appropriated to the purchase of the fee-simple. I believe too much extravagance has been manifested in conducting our public works. Every man in office must be carefully watched, and every sixpence carefully expended. Any one returned as your member must advocate the principle of retrenchment, beginning at the top. I do not advocate taking off £10 from the salary of a poor clerk; retrenchment should commence with the high officers of the State. As long as we are indebted to the extent we are, economy must be the order of the day, and we could hardly expect those men to reduce their own salaries to meet the exigencies of the colony. I thank you for having listened to me so patiently, and I ask the electors who came here to listen to the candidates before you to judge between us. (The speaker sat down amidst cheers.)

The RETURNING-OFFICER then announced that the poll would take place on Friday (to-day), commencing at nine o'clock a.m., and closing at 4 p.m.

Three cheers were then given for the Returning-Officer, and Mr. Douglas followed by mixed cheers and groans for Mr. Green.

Mr. DOUGLAS proposed a vote of thanks to the Returning-Officer for his conduct on the occasion, which was seconded by Mr. GREEN, and carried with acclamation.

The Returning-Officer having briefly returned thanks, the meeting separated.

John Douglas addressing electors at Warwick - May 1867

 MR. DOUGLAS AT WARWICK.

Warwick Argus and Tenterfield Chronicle, Friday, 31 May 1867, p. 2.

The Honourable John Douglas, the member for Eastern Downs, met his constituents here on Tuesday evening, for the purpose of explaining to them his reasons for having accepted a new position in the Government, and to show on what ground he had acted in the matter. The Court House was crowded to excess, and his Worship the Mayor (Mr. Morgan) was unanimously voted to the chair.

The CHAIRMAN, in accepting the honour, said that it would be unnecessary for him to say anything on the subjects about to be brought before them, but would at once call on their worthy representative to address the meeting.

The Honourable J. DOUGLAS (who on coming forward was received with great applause) said that it was perhaps rather early in the day for him to address the electors on political matters, but he felt it his duty, in consequence of late events which had arisen, to explain to them the circumstances under which they had occurred, and to show them the grounds on which he had acted. He had been many years connected with their district, and they could not but be aware of the deep interest he felt in its welfare. He had the honour of being their representative in the New South Wales House of Assembly, and, from being so long connected with the Eastern Downs, had always looked on the district as more especially his own. He would claim their attention in the few words he should address to them that evening, in order to explain to them the exact position of political affairs, as he viewed them at the present time. When he had the honour of being elected by them, unopposed, some short time since, he went into the Assembly untrammelled with any special pledges made to his constituents, and during the brief term he had been in office he could safely affirm that he had done his duty with profit and advantage both to his constituents and the whole colony. This was no mean boast on his part, for he had the assistance of able and honest men to support him, and at a time when the colony was placed in a most critical position. (Hear, hear.) He need not inform them of the financial difficulties in which the colony was placed when he accepted office as Treasurer; he, however, could conscientiously say that he had not failed in any respect, so far as laid in his power to fulfil the office faithfully. When Parliament met, the country was in a most critical state, and the greatest anxiety was felt by all persons as to the means which would be devised to release them in the best manner from such a position. Unfortunately, the Government were, at the outset, met with a direct vote of want of confidence; their measures were impugned, and some went so far as to state that they were unworthy to occupy the place of Ministers; and considerable distrust and disunion were disseminated amongst all parties. Only a few days previously he had felt it his duty to tender his resignation as Colonial Treasurer, but the only question on which he based his difference of opinion with his colleagues was, that he considered one, if not the most important, of the questions before the country. He referred to immigration. It might not perhaps have been such at the moment, but it assuredly was, as affecting the future general policy of the country. They were greatly in debt, more largely in proportion to the population, perhaps, than any colony in the world. His duty, therefore, was to devise means to meet their liabilities, and the best mode of doing so. What was nominally a land order system had, in reality, been so much money deducted from the Treasury, and, considering the fact that there were even now in circulation £140,000 worth of land orders, he could not, with that fact before him, consent to adopt a revenue which would immensely increase that amount and detract from the income of the colony.

But he also disagreed with regard to the issue raised on another most important point, which was, the propriety, at the present time, of inducing a large influx of population under the land order system. His opinion was, that that sort of immigration was at present overdone, and for the reason that hundreds were leaving their shores, and he might say that hundreds remaining could not find means of subsistence. (Hear, hear.) In the face of these facts, and as it was well known that in the seaport towns there were some actually starving, he could not conscientiously see his way clear to induce an increase of population by offering the inducements of land orders. (Hear, hear.) He frankly stated to his colleagues that he could not belong to the Government if such a policy on that question were pursued. He was at once met in an equally candid manner by his friend and colleague, Mr. Macalister, who admitted that under the views expressed, he could not expect him (Mr. Douglas) to remain a party to it, but gave him an opportunity to still remain in the Government by accepting office as Minister for Works, and leaving him to express his opinion on immigration when the subject was brought forward, thereby making that an open question. In accepting the Department of Works, he felt that he was acting right. There was no other party in the House which he could have joined. Could he possibly have agreed with Mr. Pring, who stated that it would be one hundred years before a population could be settled on the Darling Downs? Could he agree with Mr. Mackenzie, who maintained that the colony is inevitably going headlong to destruction. He believed nothing of the kind, but that affairs had arrived at the turning point, and would, ere long, improve for the better. It had even been asserted that he clung to office for pecuniary considerations, but those who said so well knew that it was false. He had for several years been a public servant, but had not yet held office for one year; and his detractors well knew that his principles were never subservient to place. He, however, well knew the power of office, and was fully aware of how much greater use he was both to the district and the country by being in office. It was most essential that there should be a Minister for Works, and he thought he could be useful as such. There were large contracts being carried out, and very heavy payments to be made, and which necessitated the employment of a responsible Minister; and he could conscientiously and fearlessly affirm that during the time he held office he had saved far more to the country than anything in comparison with the amount of his official salary. On accepting the Department of Works, it was held by a large majority of the Assembly that he thereby vacated office, and ought to come before his constituents for re-election. Such, however, was not necessary, and would have been a distinct violation of the written laws of the country. It was specially laid down that it was not necessary; but in the face of that and the adverse vote given by the Assembly, the Ministry felt they had no chance but to accept it as a direct condemnation of their policy, and advised the Governor to dissolve Parliament, as they felt confident that it would be utterly useless to attempt to introduce any of the measures they proposed, or perform any duties as Ministers until after an appeal to the country. The Ministry would shortly appear before their constituents, and all he would ask them was, that whatever opinions might be expressed, let them elicit full particulars, decide the issue on their just merits, and give a verdict accordingly. (Hear, hear.)

He would now refer to a subject which was of the very greatest interest to them—the land question. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) When he last had the honor of addressing them, a Leasing Act had been introduced, and would, it was supposed, confer the greatest benefit on them. The Act, however, had not worked up to the expectation formed of it, although he fully believed it would yet do so. The law was intended to forward the introduction of both capital and labour to the colony; it had a dual effect, in dealing with Crown lands passed at auction and also agricultural reserves. Large surveys were carried out, and were still being made, to meet the requirements of both small farmers and those who intend to cultivate on a large scale, and combine stock farming with agriculture. Shortly after the Act came in force a large quantity of land had been offered, and what was the result? It was this, that the former purchasers under the preemptive system again became the purchasers, and there was no infusion of new blood into the occupation and settlement of the country. The result of late land sales, both in that district and also in Drayton and Toowoomba, fully bore out his statement, that the purchasers in preemptive continued to purchase. He did not say this in disparagement of the purchasers, but the fact was plain before them that large alienations were made in favour of those who had previously monopolised the land. The result was that no satisfaction was felt by the people in the result of the Land Bill, and if this went on, the whole of the Darling Downs would soon be alienated in a similar manner. The question then for the Government to consider was, whether in order to avoid this, and prevent this monopoly of choice lands, there should be large Agricultural Reserves proclaimed. Such had now been done, and the whole of the country lying on the east of the railway line to beyond Warwick had therefore been proclaimed. The Government considered they had acted right in doing so. This was no new-fangled idea or measure; it had for some long time been under their consideration, and the matter had long been talked of and agitated both in and out of the House; and the Government, in consequence of the working of the Leasing Act, had considered that the time had at length come when some decided steps should be taken in the matter. (Hear, hear, and loud applause.) It had been said that the proclaiming of this reserve was a mere political dodge, done in the face of a general election, and that after that was over the proclamation would be withdrawn; but the Government had no intention of acting so, and there was not the slightest chance of their taking retrogressive steps in the matter, and he would pledge them on his honor as a Minister of the Crown that such would not be done. He could also most emphatically pledge his colleagues to this statement, and they had no intention whatever on their part to step back one inch. The Government believed they had done right, and that their action had been well considered, and was founded both on justice and expediency. He asked the electors to take the Reserve in which they were most interested, and what they did find? (A voice: “Lots of sheep.”) True, a large amount of it had been especially purchased by gentlemen, and small blame to them, who knew the value of that land. It was now about twenty-five years ago since that country had been occupied and a succession of occupants had made a succession of fortunes, throughout the whole breadth of the country, from Eton Vale to Canning Downs. He believed they should not have been so easily made at the public expense, it was a matter of policy which he had ever opposed. Let the occupants of this land consider the favourable circumstances under which, for so many years, they enjoyed the use of these lands. They were now required for other purposes, and he trusted that the gentlemen who had reaped so much benefit from them would not be so unpatriotic—so selfish and so blind—as to stand in the way of the people, and the progress of the settlement of the colony. (Loud cheers.) Those gentlemen had largely availed themselves of their preemptive right; they were no longer squatters, they were landed proprietors, and he sincerely trusted and believed that, as such, they would now be willing to concede and grant equal rights to others who have been placed in less favourable circumstances. Another class the colony must have, if the landed proprietors were to be supported—yeoman and small farmers. He recollected when in Scotland, a mere youth, he was even then much impressed by a great gathering of tenantry to meet their landlord, Fox Maule, the present Lord Panmure, and in addressing them, that nobleman said that it was not of the extent of his landed property that he felt proud, but of the farmers and tenants whom he had been the means of raising up around him, and to support him. The was his boast, and he (Mr. Douglas) believed that such might be the case with the landed proprietors on the Darling Downs. He concluded that the richest agricultural lands, and the best watered were those situated at the heads of creeks running into the Condamine, and although he did not wish to refer to any particular persons or occupiers, he would ask where was there a more magnificent tract of country in the whole breadth of Queensland than Canning Downs? Ought the Government to alienate that country to one or even six persons, when, he might say, hundreds should occupy it. (A voice: “What about Goomburra and Gladfield?”) He would wish to see the privilege which for so many years had been enjoyed by the present occupiers, or those they had purchased from extended to all classes. It was said by some that to throw open the lands would damage the credit of the colony; but he thought that argument was most fallacious. To show the value of these runs he had been informed by the hon. member for Western Downs (Mr. Watts), that in the sale made by him of Eton Vale, that what he sold was the actual market value of stock and the price of the purchased land, and that he did not consider that any value was received for the value of the Crown Lands occupied. In accepting this statement the landed proprietors had no right to say that in resuming the Crown Lands any damage was done to the property, or that the credit of the colony was in any way injured, and he might fairly assume that a handsome fortune could readily be made out of the purchased lands on the stations without any reference whatever to the Crown Lands occupied. Another point which had to be considered was this, a large amount of money had been spent on railways, and would still have to be spent in order to bring them to completion; which amounts, however, he did not grudge in the least. He had passed the previous day on the line up the Main Range; and he quite sympathised with his colleague, Mr. Macalister, when he said that “he gloried in his railway policy.” It was a glorious sight to stand on that Range, and, looking over the vast area of country, to see the difficulties at that ascent overcome; to see the engines come puffing up the Range with their trains of passenger carriages and goods trucks. Of what use were railways without population? (Hear, hear.) They would only be for the benefit of the few, and he believed that by the reservation of the agricultural lands, a large population would be induced to settle on the lands adjacent to the lines. Unfortunately many colonists had left Queensland; but by pursuing a broad and liberal land policy might they not hope to attract some of them back again, and also many in the neighbouring colonies who would gladly come here to settle if a sufficient encouragement was held out to them. (Hear, hear.) If they would show residents in the other colonies sufficient inducements by liberal land laws, and they found the rates of wages here were such as would conduce to their prosperity, then people would flock to the colony instead of from it. (Hear, hear.) It had been said—why, when the Reserves were proclaimed, was not the whole of the Darling Downs included? (Hear, hear.) The principal reason was, that it was highly desirable that a line of country should be continually settled on, and not broken up in patches. There were already large reserves on the western side of the Warwick line, at Felton and Clifton, and consisting of good agricultural land, it being also well watered. There was a large tract of country extending from Felton towards Yandilla and thence to Jondaryan, which was very badly watered, and the most of it unfit for agriculture, and would have been no use in proclaiming it. Should it, however, become evident that this was also required, the Government would, no doubt, act upon that view. They must distinctly bear in mind that it was imperative to realize on the land of the colony in order to meet its indebtedness; this, at any rate, was no party question. It was impossible that with the existing revenue they could go on at the present rate without largely reducing the expenditure or imposing additional taxation. He, however, believed that it would be utterly impossible, even if fresh taxes were levied, to collect them; therefore to pay the liabilities falling due during the next two or three years, it would be imperative on the Government to sell as largely as possible the Crown lands. (Hear, hear.) It would not be becoming on his part at that time to refer at any length to measures which might be brought forward by the Government. He was still their member, and as a dissolution was almost immediately expected, it might be that he would shortly have to appear before them, to ask for a renewal of their trust and confidence, and which he hoped they would accord to him. In whatever capacity he came before them, whether in office or not, he could assure them that in doing so, it would be with singleness of mind, and that no opinion of his would be advanced unless he fully believed that it would tend to the benefit of the country at large, and not merely to the benefit of any one class in particular. (Loud cheers.) He hoped that the constituencies would severally test those who might offer themselves as representatives. Let them not be led away by promises, but test the candidates by their previous character. That was the best test—general public character. If they could depend on their political views, and could also feel satisfied of their public character, they could then prove their confidence by returning them. He could safely say he had never betrayed the interests of his constituents, and firmly believed that had his advice been more acted upon, the district would have been in a better position. They must remember that the whole prosperity and welfare of the district depended upon their choice of representatives. He would, probably, before the expiration of another month, have the honour of again appearing before them, and on that occasion would afford them all information on the course which he should consider it to be his duty to adopt. (The hon. gentleman then sat down amid loud and prolonged cheering.)

Mr. C. CLARK said that there were several questions which he wished to ask, and did he understand that Mr. Douglas was then in a position to give answers?

Mr. DOUGLAS said that he was not there on his trial, being still their member, but on his next addressing them would invite diligent questionings, and should be most happy to give every information required.

Mr. CLARK thought that by 19 votes to 5 Mr. Douglas' seat was declared vacant, especially as he did not vote himself on that occasion.

Mr. DOUGLAS still held his seat according to the constitutional law of the country, and thought that, to say the least, it would have been bad taste to have voted on a question which personally affected him.

Mr. GATSBORD, referring to an anonymous letter in the issue of the Warwick Argus of that day, designated it as a despicable, unmanly, and cowardly attack on a gentleman, and challenged the writer to come forward and prove his assertions. He concluded his remarks by proposing a vote of confidence in their worthy and respected member, the Hon. John Douglas.

Mr. CLARK would ask Mr. Douglas, when any questions relating to matters of public interest could be put.

Mr. DOUGLAS: When the dissolution takes place.

The vote of confidence was then seconded by Mr. ADDENBROOKE and carried amidst loud cheers.

Mr. CLARK proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was carried by acclamation, and the meeting separated.