Saturday, September 26, 2026

“The Islands and Inhabitants of Torres Strait.” Queensland Geographical Journal, 15th session, 1899-1900, pp. 25-40

THE ISLANDS AND INHABITANTS OF TORRES STRAIT.*

By the Hon. JOHN DOUGLAS, C.M.G., F.R.G.S., Government Resident, Thursday Island,

(Hon. Corresponding Member R.G.S.A.Q.).

Hon. John Douglas, who was received with cheers, said: I have come here to-night to address to you a few words—an explanatory lesson I may call it—upon the geography of Torres Strait, to explain these charts, and to tell you something of the inhabitants of the Islands. Of course, any remarks on an occasion of this kind must be very discursive, and of merely a popular character. Early last year we had a visit from a deputation of very learned men, headed by Dr. Haddon, of Cambridge, who have already taken a great deal of interest in the inhabitants of Torres Strait. He was accompanied by five other gentlemen, all of them of high standing and reputation in the Universities of Cambridge and London, and these gentlemen spent nearly six months in the islands of Torres Strait and on the shores of New Guinea. You can imagine that such an important scientific deputation as that would deal most exhaustively with the subject. It will be some time, no doubt, before we reap the benefit of their researches. Indeed, Dr. Haddon told me that it would be possibly some years before they could embody in a lasting form all the information that they had obtained during their residence in Torres Strait. Of course, the arrival of such a body of gentlemen was most agreeable to myself. I had instructions from the late Mr. Byrnes to be as hospitable as possible to them, and do everything I could to further their views. Unfortunately, at that time there was no steamer stationed at Thursday Island, so that I was not able to give them the assistance in that way which Dr. Haddon had expected. However, on Mr. Byrnes’ instructions I was able to be useful to them in many ways, and the Government for the time being, under Mr. Byrnes and on Mr. Byrnes’ recommendation, voted £100 towards the expenses of the expedition. From that source, at any rate, we may expect a very exhaustive statement in reference both to the islands and inhabitants of Torres Strait. My purpose, however, is merely to give you more general ideas than I daresay many of you have, of the geographical position of the Islands. I have had two or three charts prepared on a somewhat larger scale than any of the existing charts, in order to bring out the prominent places.

You see here (indicating) a chart with which I propose to commence my remarks. It is an enlargement of the actual chart made by Capt. Cook, in 1770; and the landmarks, and the places which are laid down in this chart correspond with almost complete accuracy with all the observations of the present day—(applause)—showing what a careful observer Captain Cook was. He only spent a few days in passing through that portion of Northern Australia, which is here indicated. All the names on the chart were given by Capt. Cook. I need hardly remind you, I am sure, that Capt. Cook’s vessel, “The Endeavour,” was on a reef to the South of Cooktown, near what is known as Cape Tribulation. Cook named that Cape, because he got into trouble, and very serious trouble too, there. He had to throw over his guns to lighten the vessel, and we know now almost the exact position in which, in all probability, those guns may be found. Still we have never been able to find them. Captain Mackay, our Portmaster here, on several occasions I believe, has endeavoured to find these guns, but without success. It has always been considered that it would be a great triumph if we could pick up those guns. Probably by this time they are well encrusted in coral. As you know, the story is a deeply interesting one. “The Endeavour” was repaired in the river where the present town of Cooktown is situated. By-and-bye I will show you a slide representation of the monument, which has been erected to Cook, at Cooktown. However, when he had repaired his ship at Cooktown he set forth to explore the inner passage if possible. He met with very great difficulties. The account of his voyage is most interesting. Pray let me invite you to look up the subject. It is quite as interesting as any novel you can read. It is full of incidents. Capt. Cook I regard as one of the greatest men of the 18th century (Applause.) He was certainly one of the greatest navigators, and for us Australians, he was the greatest of all explorers and of all discoverers. We venerate his name as one of those men whose past we should revere, and who we should respect as one of the great men of his time. He discovered for all practical purposes the Eastern coast of Australia, and was our first and the greatest of all our explorers. He was a great man in every sense of the term.

I would like to mention here I have found in your library—a library which I observe is increasing every day—a book which was received lately from Sir Henry Norman, a most valuable contribution in the shape of the original journals which Capt. Cook kept. “Cook’s Voyages” were originally compiled by Dr. Hawksworth, and there is a good deal of stuffing in them. Now, we have recovered the originals of his journals; they are well worth looking at, and any day, if you call on Mr. Thomson, I have no doubt that he will be very happy to show you this book, which is of the very greatest interest. It is published by the authority of the Admiralty, or at any rate is edited by Capt. Wharton, who has in every respect faithfully recorded Cook’s own observations and memoranda at the time when he made them.

Now having said this I will endeavour to pick up Capt. Cook’s course from Lizard Island. We know that island very well. It is a high island about 60 miles to the N.E. of Cooktown, and it was there that Capt. Cook left the inner passage, and took the open sea. When he got to the open he found his trouble had only just commenced. He found he was gradually being drifted in towards the Great Barrier Reef. Before following him, let me say a word to you about him. He was born of a Yorkshire peasant father and mother. He went to sea as an able seaman, and it was only after many years of service that his great qualities were found out by those under whom he served. He rose in rank and gradually attained the rank of lieutenant. He is known as Capt. Cook, but he never rose above the rank of lieutenant. Still, whatever his rank, he was a great man in every sense of the term.

When he got outside, as I have said, he found he was gradually being drifted in towards the Great Barrier Reef. He was beset with calms and drifted on to this great reef. He speaks of the terrible anxiety which he and those who were with him felt when they found themselves within 80 yards of the Barrier Reef. The huge breakers bursting upon this precipitous rock. There was no bottom at 200 fathoms, and these huge precipitous rocks were ahead, upon which the seas were breaking. Gradually, however, he was drifted off again. I have experienced very much the same thing in the little “Cairns.” On two or three occasions I have been very close, very uncomfortably close to the Barrier Reef, and being gradually sucked in, in a calm toward the breakers, but somehow or other we always got off. It was the same thing with Cook. He found a small opening first. That opening was not sufficient. There was a strong tide coming out, which apparently took him out to sea for about two or three miles, and then he was sucked back towards the reef, and eventually got through by what he termed a providential channel (Mr. Douglas now pointed out on a chart the course followed by Cook).

This is Forbes Island, well-known to us now. Cook passed outside Forbes Island. We invariably pass inside and round Piper light, one of our lighthouses. Forbes Island is frequented by beachcombers, at any rate by beche-de-mer men, and sometimes by natives. Then here is Cape Grenville, which is a well marked point on the coast; and a bay called Margaret Bay, which the natives have corrupted into Mackum Bay. At one time this was the habitat of a very powerful aboriginal tribe. I am sorry to say there are not many of them left now.

Passing Cape Grenville there is an opening through the Barrier Reef at Rain Island. Capt. Blackwood, who was sent to find a convenient passage, erected a beacon here. Rain Island is a rather inaccessible place. I was there once when we were getting guano from it. Capt. Cook gives a full description of Cape York and the islands in the neighbourhood, and then he passed Possession Island, where he hoisted and saluted the flag. He felt confident, when he had rounded Cape York, that he was clear of most of his difficulties, which he was. He did not explore Prince of Wales Island. He passed through Endeavour Straits, which he describes as about 10 leagues long, by 5 leagues wide, and he tells us also that he saw natives on Possession Island. They came down, apparently, in somewhat hostile form; they wore ornaments of pearl shell; they had lances; and one was armed with a bow and arrow. We do not find any bows and arrows in Torres Strait now, so far as the natives are concerned. When you get to the coast of New Guinea there are plenty, and very beautiful and interesting instruments they are, from an artistic point of view. The only explanation I can offer of Capt. Cook seeing a native armed in this way, is that the native was probably a visitor from the other side of the strait.

However, as I have said, he passed through Endeavour Straits and close to Wallace Island. He then reached Booby Island, which was used for some years as a kind of post office. There was no settlement on the Cape York Peninsula, but there was a kind of cave on Booby Island, where provisions were placed for shipwrecked mariners. There was a log-book kept on Booby Island, but we have never recovered it. It was taken away by somebody, and there are legends of it having been sent either to Brisbane or Sydney. Possibly it may be found among the old records in the offices, either here or in Sydney. However, that may be, inquiries have been made here, and they have failed to elicit any record of the log that had been kept there. If it can be discovered anywhere it would be a most interesting document. For many years it was used by the passing ships as a means of recording their passages through Torres Strait.

Beyond that we come to Cook’s Shoal, and he then passed over to Timor and Java. I do hope that some day or other a monument will be erected to him on Possession Island, where he planted and where he saluted the British flag to show that he had taken possession of the whole of the country from 38 par. of latitude to Cape York 10.55, in the name of his then Majesty George III. He does not speak of New South Wales, but of New Wales. He named the whole of that country New Wales, and he took possession of it on behalf of the King who was then reigning, George III. Cook himself was never satisfied until he found that there was a passage between Cape York and New Guinea. You know, a good many years before that, about 170 years before, Torres had actually passed through and got to Manila. He sailed away from South America right across to Manila, which was then in possession of the Spaniards. How it is that his account of his voyage did not transpire it is difficult to say. It is certain that it did not transpire until many years afterwards, when it was raked up by the Britishers when they were occupying Manila in the early years of George III.’s reign. It would never have transpired probably if it had not been that, when we were in possession of Manila, we discovered an authentic account of his voyage—an account which he had addressed to the King of Spain. It has been said that these discoveries were purposely kept secret by the Spanish Government, because they were afraid of the depredations of our British buccaneers of those days. There were some very queer characters abroad in those days—men who did not hesitate to take any ship that they came across. Drake was one of them. It is supposed that they kept this discovery secret in order that we might not become acquainted with the results of Torres’ passage through the strait. Cook writes on more than one occasion, that his great object was to discover whether there was a passage between Australia and New Guinea. He was the first man that really set out to demonstrate the fact that there was a channel between New Guinea and Australia.

Now, here (indicating) in this map we have an illustration on a somewhat larger scale than you could possibly have recourse to, of the islands in the immediate vicinity of Cape York. Geologically these islands are granitic—diorite and porphyry prevail. Some of them are rather high islands, and are different altogether from some of the series of islands which we meet with beyond. For instance, here is Naghir Island. That is the highest island shown on this map. Mount Ernest, on that island, is about 800 ft. high, and is a very prominent feature in the strait. Here is the Escape River, on the mainland, where poor Kennedy was knocked on the head by the blacks. He saw Albany Island, where he knew there was a vessel waiting for him. Kennedy, however, was too late. The blacks were on him, and they killed him. Jacky Jacky, who was with him, got away, and reported the matter, and the schooner was enabled to go off and relieve those portions of the company who were still alive at Weymouth Bay. Two only of that noble band of explorers were rescued. I forget their names, but there was a botanist and another man. Months afterwards two bodies of the remainder of Kennedy’s company, which had consisted of thirteen men altogether, were found, and they were buried on the top of Albany Island. Capt. Stanley, of the Rattlesnake, erected a monument on that island. Albany Pass is recognised as very picturesque. It is exceedingly well surveyed, and vessels now can pass through with certainty in spite of the strong tides which prevail.

Poor Kennedy’s body never was recovered. Capt. Stanley put up a wooden tablet—a good substantial wooden tablet—on which were recorded the names and the fact of the burial of the remains of the ill-fated men which were recovered. Unfortunately Albany Island is often swept by fire; and a fire came along and burned this tablet. Mr. J. Jardine, who was the first Police Magistrate, at Somerset, renewed it. Kennedy’s expedition was in 1848. It was despatched from Sydney to explore the Cape York Peninsula. They, unfortunately, landed too far down the peninsula, and they had to pass through an impracticable country. Before they got through they were completely knocked up, and they were not fit to encounter the difficulties and perils of a journey through the peninsula. Jardine, as I have stated, renewed this tablet, and he still lives at Somerset. Well, I ran through there four months ago, and I found that this tablet—a large slab—was decaying gradually, and being burned, and I therefore brought it in to Thursday Island.

Now, I want to enlist your sympathy, Sir Hugh, and the sympathy and interest of the Royal Geographical Society of Queensland in this matter. You could not do a better or a nobler act than assist, by your prestige, and in any other way you can, in erecting a monument to these men—to Kennedy and his companions. (Hear, hear.) He was one of the first of the explorers. The result of his expedition was unfortunate, but he was a brave man. He was like the volunteers now going to fight the Boers. He failed, unfortunately, but he deserves that he should have a monument to perpetuate his memory for all time, and the memory of his companions. (Applause.) It is not necessary to spend much money. All I ask for is a mark or cairn of some kind, which could be seen by all the vessels passing through Albany Pass. I have no doubt that the Government will assist in the object, but I want the Royal Geographical Society of Queensland to take this matter up. It will be responded to, I am sure, in New South Wales, and I believe throughout Australia. Kennedy was an explorer who deserves, especially at the hands of those who are interested in that part of the world, to have some mark or memorial of his achievements. I am quite sure that with your assistance, and possibly with the assistance of the Government, we shall be able to erect a fitting memorial for this brave man. (Applause.)

Somerset at one time was supposed to be a rather important place. The whole of the trade and shipping were concentrated there for some time. The reason why it was abandoned was that the tide was extremely strong, and large steamers never felt comfortable when they were anchored in the passage. They often had to put down two anchors, and even then they did not always hold. I am not certain that the selection of Thursday Island was a very wise one. I believe myself that at that time good anchorage could have been found in one of these bays on the mainland not subject to the difficulties experienced at Somerset. If that had been done settlement would have remained on the mainland, which would have been a great thing. It is just possible that in some wild flight of imagination we might have had a railway. In fact a railway was deliberately talked of at one time, and Somerset would have been the point of departure for the East. When the settlement was changed to Thursday Island we had to give up all hopes of this Northern railway to the Cape York Peninsula.

The shellers moved from Somerset to the Prince of Wales Group, and it was thought most prudent for the Government to follow the settlement, and the Police Magistrate and resident officials were moved to Thursday Island. It became my duty when in office down here to effect this change, and the change to Port Kennedy was made at the instigation of Capt. Heath. On the ordinary charts you cannot see Thursday Island at all. There is a group of islands called after the Prince of Wales, and Thursday Island is a mere spot among them. Port Kennedy, situated on Thursday Island, is surrounded by an archipelago of islands. It is virtually surrounded, and the grouping of these islands constitutes a fine anchorage. The actual area of Thursday Island is very small—I think it is less than 900 acres altogether. That sounds very small, but it is wonderful when you come to go into details, what a large space 900 acres really is. We, who are accustomed in our great Western country, to regard 9,000 acres as a mere flea-bite, and 90,000 acres as not a very large area, cannot view an area of 900 acres as of much importance. There is a population of about 1,500 on it, and that occupies about a third of the island. There is space still for ten times the population.

The island, as you know, is the centre of the pearl-shelling industry. Prince of Wales Island is about twelve miles square. At one time there was a very formidable tribe on it, numbering about 400 or 500. The navigators in the time of “The Fly” and “The Rattlesnake” speak of them as very formidable. Their number does not exceed 100 altogether now. Since I came down I have heard of the death of their chief, who was familiarly known as Tarbucket. He was a very portly man, and sometimes used to inherit my garments, when I had done with them, and the consequence was that there were people who rather confused his identity with mine. This was a source of amusement to some of the inhabitants, but when they saw his visage, I hope they saw the distinction between us.

Horn Island is the seat at present of our hopes of the future, so far as gold is concerned. The position of the gold diggings is close to what is called Horn Hill. As to the prospects, it is impossible for me to say what they will eventually turn out. Some say it is no good, and others say it promises very well indeed. At any rate the Melbourne Syndicate now working it, are spending a lot of money in putting up expensive machinery and so on, and they hope for a good return. Their assays and tests are sufficiently encouraging for them to speak of them as indicating that they will make a good thing out of it. I hope they will, because they have spent a lot of money on it. They have about forty men working, and in the course of a month or so they hope to commence crushing. Of course, it will be a great help to us if it turns out well, because we desire above all things to be supported by a European population, and of course the presence of gold diggers there will contribute very much to our advancement in every way.

On Thursday Island, as you know, there is a most varied population. Nearly every nationality is represented there. The Europeans, I am happy to say, still head the list in spite of everything; and the Japanese come next. Then, of course, there are a great many working on the boats. The population of the island is about 1,500, and the population working in the shelling boats a little over 2,000. I will not trouble you with the details of the statistics, but I would like to say that from a strategic point of view Thursday Island is regarded of very great importance. Some people, however, run away with the idea that the guns in the forts completely command the Straits. That is a fallacy. The fort was never placed there with any idea that it would command the Straits. A man-of-war could, of course, come through Endeavour Straits. Navigation is somewhat difficult in consequence of the shoals and reefs there, but still it is quite possible to make your way through, and any foreign man-of-war could come through there. The course which is generally followed by all our steamers from the westward is through the Prince of Wales Channel and outside of Hammond Island. Steamers drawing more than 17 or 18 feet of water all have to come through the Prince of Wales Channel and come under Goode Island, and those drawing less than 22 feet come to Thursday Island, and those which draw more drop anchor at the Black Rock.

Our jetty at Thursday Island will not admit of vessels berthing there which draw more than 21 feet. However, there are many ways of getting past, but Thursday Island is a good strategical point because it has a convenient harbour, and coal can be obtained there, and in the event of war it is a place within sight of which all vessels must pass; and no vessel really could pass without it being known. There are passages through which foreign vessels could pass if it were necessary.

Booby Island is about 18 miles West of Goode Island, and we are not connected by cable with it, though I think we ought to be. Here is Mount Adolphus Island. It stands about 500 feet above the level of the sea. It is a rather picturesque island, but viewed from a distance it presents the appearance of a flat-topped island. Near by is the scene of the terrible wreck of the “Quetta,” which all mourn so much, as we lost many dear friends among the passengers. Most of those who were saved were taken to the Little Adolphus. These islands are strongly marked, and can be seen by everybody coming up the Strait.

Here is the Banks Group, an important group similar from a geological point of view to the Prince of Wales, primitive rock diorite. Three of the group are Moa, Badu and Mabuiag, and probably the last is of the most importance. There is a population there of about 250 natives and a few South Sea Islanders. They have lately been very fortunate. They have learned, I am glad to say, to work on their own account. They owe this to the Rev. Mr. Walker, a missionary, who was established among them for a short time. He taught them how to co-operate and work together in such a way that they could buy their own luggers. There had been attempts to buy luggers on previous occasions, but they failed, to a certain extent because when they had worked off a certain proportion of the price they got tired; and as they did not pay up, the persons from whom they had bought came down and took possession again. However, thanks to Mr. Walker, a different spirit came over them, and they have been able to acquire their own luggers and work on their own account.

They were fortunate in one respect. A short time ago they found a lot of derelict copper. This brought them several hundreds of pounds, made them rich men, and helped them to buy their luggers. They are allowed to work among these reefs without licenses in their own fishing ground. They are rather lazy, but on the whole they are interesting people, and their village is a very orderly one. There are some beautiful cocoanut groves immediately in the vicinity of the village, but the island itself is not very fertile, and there are only a few patches that can be called arable, and there they cultivate their sweet potatoes and bananas.

I am trying to get a teacher, either male or female, to go there and help in the instruction of their children. There are nearly 100 children on Mabuiag Island. The people are very anxious that their children should learn English, and they desire them to learn English because they know their prospects will be materially assisted by their knowledge of English. I am trying, as I said, to secure a volunteer either male or female. I sometimes think if I could secure a good woman of experience and enthusiasm I should prefer it. A good school ma’am while teaching the young children would thereby obtain an influence upon the people. Whether we shall be successful in that I don’t know, but I hope we shall.

At Mabuiag there is a healthy population, and it is not decreasing. There are some South Sea Islanders among them, and some have married Mabuiag women, so that on the whole the population is not retrogressive. They should be looked after, because we may get many useful workers in the Strait from the natives of this island.

Badu is a much larger island, but the population is not so large as that of Mabuiag. Still, the people are very interesting, and I have lately managed to establish a school there also. The population of Badu at the present time is scarcely 200. They are nice people; but they are rather lazy. There is a good deal of fair timber on it. The people make use of the native yam, which grows rather abundantly, and is known as the Boer. It is an excellent yam, very much superior to most of the yams I know of. I sent some of them to Captain Pennefather to see if he could get them to grow at St. Helena.

Then here is Green Island, which is very much resorted to by the pearl shellers, who pursue their calling on what is known as “the old ground.” There they can always make sure of getting a certain quantity of shells, and the extent of the area is very considerable. I am sure it is much larger than is at present known, but the difficulty about going further is that the luggers don’t like to go too far from the mainland. If it blows they come into Badu or Green Island. Not long ago a change was made in the direction of moving the village to a position called Greenwell, and at that place there are a good many houses built.

Moa Island is also a very fine island—a large island with great diversity in its area. There is a high mountain on it called Mount Augustus, about 1,600 feet high. There is a good deal of scrub, and also a good deal of good pasture land. There are not many natives on Moa. I believe in the old times they were decimated. At one time the population was much larger, but a warlike tribe famous in the old times fought the Moa people, and cut them up to such an extent that they never recovered. I don’t think the population at the present time is more than 40 or 50 at the outside.

Here is another island called Naghir, occupied by a South Sea Islander called Jimmie Samoa, a very big man, weighing about 20 stone, and he has a large family. There are only about half-a-dozen natives upon it. It is a very picturesque island, with some good land on it. Jimmie has some very good cultivated garden ground. I may say that a question of nationality arose the other day with regard to him. I have known him as an inhabitant of the island ever since I have been there, and it seems rather hard that he should be deprived of getting a license because he does not happen to be a British subject. However, it was held the other day that he was not a British subject, but a Samoan. Still he has some grown-up sons, and they are certainly British subjects; these people here are British subjects, and they are entitled to the rights of British subjects; and I hope we shall see that they secure them.

The native-born population are British subjects. They are civilised people; they are being educated, and they are entitled, and I say, should be treated as British subjects. Still they are not enumerated even in the census. I hope that in any future census notice will be taken of them. They marry and they are given in marriage. They live in good houses. They live on a vegetable diet and fish. They are human beings; they are our own flesh and blood; they are born under our jurisdiction; and they are entitled, I maintain, to the privileges we enjoy. Of course there is a very great distinction between the natives of the islands of Torres Strait and the natives of Australia.

I think even the natives of Australia deserve to be enumerated in the census, and those of Torres Strait should certainly be enumerated as part of our population. Still there is a decided distinction between the two people. The natives of the islands of Torres Strait are capable of exercising all the rights of British citizens, and they ought to be regarded as such. They are a growing and intelligent people, and they want to be educated. They want to be educated even more than our people. They show an inclination for education which often exceeds that of our own white population. This is not an extreme statement. It is a true statement, which I can prove by facts, and I am quite sure that anyone who saw these people would be quite convinced that what I have said is true. (Applause.)

Now, as another indication of the civilisation of these people I must not forget to mention that they observe our tactics in training soldiers. Most of them have visited Thursday Island at some time or other, and have seen our soldiers drilling at the barracks. This struck them as exceedingly delightful and interesting. They have got together on Mabuiag, for instance, a force of 20 men, put them into a uniform of their own, and made them to look as like soldiers as they could. They got a few wrinkles from the way our sergeants set about training their men, and amongst them is a man who can put them through their facings almost as well as the sergeants themselves. In this way they have shown their desire for discipline and training, and I have not the slightest doubt that if it be necessary, from the natives of Mabuiag, Moa and Badu you could raise an auxiliary force which would be very useful. They are men fond of that sort of thing. They look upon it as a kind of play, but they are fine men, capable of hard work, and they could pull about the guns; and there is not the slightest doubt they could be used with great benefit if we were put to the necessity of employing them.

That is an indication of what these people are capable of. Having seen our soldiers drilling, they are anxious to drill themselves, and they have actually managed amongst themselves to put together a force of men which is very presentable.

The map I have here illustrates the whole of Torres Strait. Formerly when a man got away to one of these islands there was no law to touch him. It became necessary to extend our boundary, and when I was in office—I think in 1876—we got a bill passed which authorised us to extend our maritime boundary. The Great Barrier Reef was then made the eastern boundary, and it was extended so as to include the islands along the coast of New Guinea. There is a popular belief that the whole of this area is British territory, but that is a mistake. It was stated, I think, during the controversy going on about the Behring Strait that John Bull had annexed not only the islands and the whole of Torres Strait but that he was going to bar the passage of Torres Strait against the rest of the world. Of course he could not do anything of the kind. All the islands within the boundary were annexed, but we did not attempt to annex the ocean. We have not attempted to do that yet; and I do not think John Bull will ever attempt it.

However this must not be forgotten, that in this space there is very little ocean, where there is no island and when we annex an island that means we annex everything within three miles of that island, so that if you annex all the islands and claim jurisdiction over the sea within three miles of each island there is not much left which can be regarded as the open sea. (Laughter.) It is a distinction possibly which may be said to be without a difference. At any rate we do not presume to annex the ocean, whatever we may have done with regard to land annexation.

All these islands have been taken in, and are now Queensland territory. I will just go over a few of them. The Three Sisters are here, where we have had a good many wrecks. I don’t know how it is, but somehow they seem to attract vessels in an extraordinary way. Possibly it is because vessels can go ashore so easily there. They are a comfortable distance from Thursday Island. We have had several wrecks there, and one of the last was an Italian vessel. We went out to see it, and we found the vessel comfortably berthed on a reef—a very nice, safe, coral reef; and we thought there would not be much difficulty in getting the vessel off. The captain and all his crew had deserted her, and declared that she was abandoned, and a total wreck. We went out, and with very little assistance got her off, and she sailed away after a few necessary repairs. Unfortunately, she got ashore again in a most extraordinary way, and she was finally lost, and I believe paid for by the insurance company. How that may be, I don’t know, but at any rate that is part of the history of that vessel to which I refer. It is not libellous to say that there is a good deal which can be hardly explained, and the circumstances are such that there must have been some extraordinary fatality connected with that vessel, and with these Three Sisters, which on various occasions have attracted vessels to be wrecked in some way or another.

Then here is Cocoanut Island; it is rather a landmark. It is called Cocoanut Island because cocoanuts do grow there. I am trying to get cocoanuts grown systematically, and people are beginning to see that they are a good stand-by. But I would have you understand that it is not so easy a thing to cultivate cocoanuts. It is said that all these islands might be covered, and it would be very pleasant to navigators if they were. All I can say is, that it is not so. Cocoanuts, like everything else, require lots of attention for the first two or three years of their lives; and if they are not attended to the probabilities is that they will not reach maturity.

We have now on several islands people who are really doing a little in the way of cultivating. York Island, for instance, which is inhabited by a wonderful individual. His name, or rather what he is always called, is Yankee Ned. He is an American, and his real name is Moseby. He is an intelligent man, and has for many years lived on York Island. He has made lots of money, but he is one of those unfortunate men, who, as soon as they make money, go into Thursday Island and spend it. He lives on this island. Lately he has taken to raising cocoanuts, and now has at least 500 cocoanuts growing there and coming to maturity. Somewhat the same may be said of a man on Warrior Island. This is a famous fishing ground, and there has been an immense quantity of very good shell taken from that reef. The island was once the centre of a very powerful tribe. There is a story that at one time they came out and attacked “The Fly.” They certainly attacked a man of war that was surveying. Now they are reduced to very few. There is one fine fellow amongst them who is the representative of the old Warrior Tribe. They were a very powerful tribe, and now they are almost all gone. The few that are left live on Turtleback Island.

Here let me point out to you three islands of a different character altogether—Darnley, Murray, and Stephens. They are of volcanic origin. Here they grow an abundance of cocoanuts. They are perfect gardens, and the people on them live entirely by what they grow. They have good houses. Murray Island, as you may observe, is right on the Barrier Reef. There is a very good entrance here—the entrance for the great North-east Channel, which is near Bramble Cay. I could tell you stories about that, but I have not time to-night. This is the entrance all the sailing ships go through. It is the great entrance for all ships that pass through the North-east passage.

Now, I come to Saibai. I was there a few weeks ago, and left a schoolmaster there. Since that he has got together a school of 90 children, all of whom are keen to learn the English language; and who are now learning it. The Saibai people, even in my time, were absolute savages, and now they are amongst the most enterprising and industrious of the whole of the Torres Strait people. They have built a church. There has been an epidemic, I may say, in church building. It is wonderful what money they have collected for the purpose. They got the timber from New Guinea, and they have built it all themselves, and purchased iron for the roof. They have put up a very good structure, and it will hold as many people as this little hall (the School of Arts’ Hall), and they are very proud of it.

Saibai is a long island, swampy right through, with a fringe of cocoanuts right round it. Yet it is not unhealthy, in spite of that. It is a curious thing that Cornwallis Island, close to Saibai, which stands out very high, and has a granite peak, and you would think was healthy, is not so; for some unaccountable reason it is not healthy. Well, Saibai is a prosperous island. They have now bought two luggers of their own, which they have paid for, and they are working on their own account. They have a shrewd idea of the value of money, and they will not part with anything without getting very good value. I think that is a good sign. It is an indication of civilization. (Laughter.) It is undoubtedly.

I used to think in New Guinea, where I was, that when they once began to traffic and exchange their shell for tobacco, etc., that they would progress, and when I found that they were dealing with actual coin instead of the barbarous exchange of tobacco, trade, etc. I said to myself that was a step on the upward grade. (Sir Hugh Nelson: So it is.) Now they understand the value of money and coin, and they prefer to go into the stores and price what they want, and buy and pay for it.

Here is Boigu. It ought to belong to New Guinea. There has been a good deal of discussion as to what should be the maritime boundary between us. Here is another island, Deliverance Island, which is in Queensland territory. It is a curious low little island but you see it a long way off, because there are a lot of Wangi trees upon it. They bear a very edible kind of plum, and they are largely eaten by the natives. In fact they are a very nice fruit for anybody, and are appreciated as a delicacy, much in the same way as the Torres Strait pigeon. In the Wangi season the Torres Strait pigeons come and feed upon them. Talking about birds, when I was last on Saibai there were immense numbers of ducks and native companions. Just at sundown the geese came across in thousands, and fine large birds they are. The natives shoot them. They have their guns now, and they get powder and shot. At one time I used to supply them with cartridges.

At that time there was a great scare about the Togari men, who came from Dutch New Guinea and along the coast. They were great fighters, and head hunters, and they carried off a good many heads in the old times. When I went there I supplied these Saibai men with ball cartridge wherewith to encounter the Togari men if it were necessary. That ceased to be the case after Sir William MacGregor had dealt with them. After Sir William had met them, the Togari men thought it better not to come over again; and I don’t think they will ever trouble us very much in the future. They were formidable, and they may still be, but at any rate, for the last few years we have heard nothing of them; and I don’t think the Saibai people now think it necessary to be on the look out for them.

Deliverance Island is a curious little island—a sandbank swarming with turtle, and there are some very high Wangis there. When I visited it last it was inhabited by five European sailors, who lived most luxuriously. They did nothing. They had ducks galore, fowls galore, besides turtle whenever they liked to catch them, and they cultivated sweet potatoes and bananas. Altogether they were most luxurious dogs. I don’t know whether they are there now, but Deliverance Island has often been resorted to by white men, beach-combers, who live idle lives of that kind.

Just let me say a few words about the proposed maritime boundary, which has been talked about a good deal. It has been proposed that a portion of the islands included in our present boundary should be given to New Guinea; but whether that will come about I don’t know. The proposed boundary would pass through Deliverance and Turn Again Islands, and so on through Moon Pass on the Warrior Reef to Dalrymple Island, and thence to Bramble Cay. This is contended for by Sir William MacGregor, on the ground that the old fishing ground belonging to the natives of New Guinea should be preserved for them, and there is a good deal to be said in favour of it. Of course, the people of Thursday Island do not look favourably upon the transfer of any of the islands. They think it would injure their interests. I do not think it would, because, I think, whatever is got from Torres Strait would go to Thursday Island to be exported. I am quite sure it is not fair that Saibai, which is only a mile or two from New Guinea, should be Queensland territory and not New Guinea. It ought to be transferred to New Guinea, and I think on the whole the natives would be better off if that were done. The administration of New Guinea is, of course, based on the principle of taking care of the natives, and doing as well for them as possible. I am, therefore, an advocate for an alteration of boundary, whenever it may come about.

Some of you may not know what has been done towards the settlement of New Guinea. All along here (indicating) anybody may live as safely as in Queensland, but when you get up towards the mouth of the Fly River, the condition of the natives is just what it was a hundred years ago. There has been no change. They are as savage and as dangerous as ever they were; and if there are any explorers here to-night, or anyone who is ambitious to become a great explorer, here is an opening. All that country is absolutely unknown. We know scarcely anything of the inland country here or of the rivers, and the people are as they were a hundred years ago.

Dowdi has a good deal in its future. There is a good deal of fair country there, and the natives are tolerably friendly.

Daru is the headquarters of the New Guinea Administration—that is for British Western New Guinea. It is a rich island. That is as far as I can take you now. In conclusion, I would again assure you that the people in Torres Strait desire your sympathy and help to secure to them the rights which are their own, which ought to belong to them, and which I hope some day will belong to them. (Prolonged applause.)

“The Islands and Inhabitants of Torres Strait.”  Queensland Geographical Journal, 15th session, 1899-1900, pp. 25-40


“Maritime Boundary of Australia.” Queensland Geographical Journal, vol 19, 1903, pp. 32-36

MARITIME BOUNDARY OF QUEENSLAND.

By the Hon. JOHN DOUGLAS, C.M.G., F.R.G.S.

(Hon. Member Royal Geographical Society of Australasia, Queensland.)

I am honoured by thus having audience of the Royal Geographical Society of Queensland, and I beg to crave the attention of members for a brief space while I expound my theme on a matter of some general geographical interest, and one of special local significance to those of us who are connected, as I am, with the islands of Torres Straits, and the somewhat important little dependency of Thursday Island and Port Kennedy.

There is a tradition that a commission was sent out to Sir John Young, authorising him to extend the boundary of New South Wales to the 10th parallel of south latitude. I cannot ascertain whether it was ever acted on. Let me, however, relate how it was that the islands of Torres Straits came to be annexed.

In 1876–7 certain adventurous spirits connected with the pearl-shelling industry had pushed out beyond the recognised bounds of our jurisdiction, and it was found that there was no legal authority which could be brought to bear upon them. It became necessary, therefore, to extend the boundaries of Queensland, and after a good deal of correspondence this was finally accomplished by the passing of an Act of the Queensland Parliament in 1879, which had been duly authorised by letters patent under the Great Seal.

Thus it was that, “certain islands in Torres Straits and lying between the continent of Australia and island of New Guinea, that is to say, all islands included within a line drawn from Sandy Cape northward to the south-eastern limit of the Great Barrier Reefs, thence following the line of the great Barrier Reefs to their north-eastern extremity, near the latitude of 9½ deg., thence in a north-westerly direction, embracing East Anchor and Bramble Cay, thence from Bramble Cay in a line west by south (true), embracing Warrior Reef, Saibai, and Tuan Island, thence diverging in a north-westerly direction, so as to embrace the group known as the Talbot Islands, thence to and embracing the Deliverance Islands, and onwards in a west by south direction to the meridian of 138 deg. of east longitude.”

That then is the present boundary of Queensland. When it was thus defined it was considered desirable to annex everything up to the shores of New Guinea. The annexation of British New Guinea did not take place for some nine years after this, but it then soon became apparent that some modification of the boundary in Torres Straits was necessary. This became the subject of correspondence between Sir William M‘Gregor, the Colonial Office, and the Government of Queensland. . . . In 1892 Sir Samuel Griffith, then being in office visited Torres Straits on purpose to satisfy himself on the merits of the case, and I have no doubt that it would then soon have been settled, but unfortunately for this particular matter then in hand, Sir Samuel became Chief Justice, and nothing more was done until the correspondence was again revived, and at last various propositions were made and rejected. In May, 1898, an Order-in-Council altering the boundary, was passed, and such alteration was to take effect upon the passing of an Act of Parliament by Queensland endorsing it. The Act was duly drafted, printed, and prepared for the approval of Parliament, but unfortunately again, it was never brought in, and nothing more was done. I shall now proceed to describe to you what the alteration was which it was thus proposed to effect.

Starting from a point three miles south-east of Bramble Cay, on the existing boundary line, it was designed to pass midway between Pearce Cay and Dalrymple Island, thence by the centre of Moon Pass in the Warrior Reef, thence by a line passing three miles to the south of Turnagain and Deliverance Islands, westerly, thence west by south to the meridian of the 138th degree of east longitude. But, as I have said, this was never authorised. Soon after the Commonwealth came into existence, and with it the incapacity of Queensland to deal solely with the matter, passed to the Commonwealth. Now, we know that the Commonwealth Parliament is about to legislate for British New Guinea, or for Papua, as it is to be called, and that is why I am anxious to draw attention to the maritime boundary of Queensland as affecting the maritime boundary of Papua, in order that it may be clearly understood.

In the first place, allow me to say that, in my opinion, the boundary, as defined by the Order-in-Council of 1898, ought to be accepted as a fair and reasonable solution of the question. It was arrived at after an exhaustive correspondence between the parties concerned, and would, I feel sure, be gladly accepted by the Papuan Government authorities as a just solution of their claims, for they have undoubted claims to a rectification of the existing boundary. So far as regards the Government of Queensland, it ought to be a relief to them to be able to hand over to the Papuan Government islands which they are not able satisfactorily to govern from Thursday Island. Moreover, the Papuan Government, by its special ordinances, made applicable to native requirements, is much more capable of administering justice and maintaining order than we are. I have done the best I can to administer justice and maintain order in a patriarchal kind of way through the head men, or mamooses, as they are called, of the different islands, and the people generally carry out my wishes, but something more than this is now required. It is difficult, nay almost impossible, to apply our Queensland laws to such islands as Saibai, Dowan, and Boigo. To the magistrate at Daru, with his native ordinances, and his proximity to these islands, it is another matter altogether.

The people inhabiting these islands are Papuans. They are most amenable to order. They have improved immensely. When I first knew them they were literally naked savages. Now they are among the most intelligent and enterprising of our islanders. But, like most natives, they are easily led astray. Unprincipled men, both white and coloured, give or sell them drink, and through Saibai a good deal of liquor has been supplied to the natives of New Guinea. Indeed, so frequently has this been lately done that the authorities at Daru have prohibited our Saibai natives from landing on the shores of New Guinea. I have done the best I can to stop this nefarious traffic in liquor, and I am happy to say that I have secured two convictions; but this is not such an easy matter, for the proceedings have to be conducted in accordance with the laws of the State before the court at Thursday Island, which is eighty miles from Saibai. In the last case five witnesses had to be brought in and taken out again in order to secure the necessary evidence. Such cases would, I can assure you, be much more easily and effectually disposed of at Daru, the western headquarters of administration in British New Guinea. That is one very good reason why I should like to see Saibai under the jurisdiction at Daru. There are many other reasons, but geographically—and you, gentlemen, are specially interested in the question from that point of view—it does seem ridiculous that a large island like Saibai, being almost within gunshot of New Guinea, should still belong to Queensland. Nor must it be forgotten that as Government Resident at Thursday Island I have now no steamer in which I can visit these Islands. This year, it is true, I have visited the coast of New Guinea four times in order to investigate matters of this kind; but it has always been in a small sailing vessel, and this does not further prompt action.

What I have said of Saibai holds good of Dowan (Tuan) and of Boigo. They are both visited and occupied by Papuans, and they are both tarred with the same brush so far as the distribution of liquor is concerned. I am sorry to say it, for the Papuan, as a rule, has no great longing for our liquors, unless he is educated in that direction by the white man. He is satisfied with the mild excitements of the betel nut until he reaches a higher exaltation under the influence of our liquor essences. Of course you all know that under our laws persons are prohibited from supplying liquor to aboriginal natives, or to South Sea Islanders, and at Thursday Island we are sometimes held up as examples of how a good law can be violated with the most impunity. A distinguished visitor, a senator from the South, for instance, remarked the other day that he saw aboriginal natives served at the bars of public-houses with the police looking calmly on. This, I admit is perfectly true. There appears to be great apathy on their part. When challenged, however, with negligence of duty, they say that they arrest offenders who exceed, and that they prefer the open violation of the law as practised to the illicit sale of bottles and cases of grog through intermediate persons. They also say that it is almost impossible to secure a conviction against a publican who sells to an aboriginal across the bar, for the law requires proof that the liquor so sold contains or contained so much per cent. of alcohol. How are they to prove that, they say, when the alcohol is absorbed into the stomach of the participant? I fancy myself that a way out of that difficulty might be found. Still, the fact remains that no complaints are lodged, and convictions are rarely obtained.

To revert, however, once more to the theme of my paper, which I do not wish to make tedious, there are manifest advantages connected with the proposed rectification. No one can question its geographical justification. It will fairly meet the claims of the Papuan Government, and it will in no way prejudice the territorial rights of this State. The trade of that portion of New Guinea, such as it is, gravitates to Thursday Island, and will continue to do so. It gives reasonable scope to the natives of Papua for the prosecution of their pearl-shelling industry, to which they are by no means indifferent, and it will enable the Papuan Government to control and repress altogether, I hope, this nefarious dealing in liquor, which is calculated to do so much harm if it is allowed to go on.

Before I close this paper I must honestly tell you that before the desired object can be attained considerable difficulties stand in the way. The rectifications could easily have been effected in 1892, after Sir Samuel’s exploration, or, indeed, in 1898, when the Order-in-Council authorising it was passed; but now there is rather a formidable lion in the path. The 123rd clause of the Commonwealth Constitution provides that “the Parliament of the Commonwealth may, with the consent of the Parliament of the State, and the approval of the electors of the State voting upon the question, increase, diminish, or otherwise alter the limits of the State, on such terms and conditions as may be agreed on, and may with the like consent, make provision respecting the effect and operation of any increase, diminution, or alteration of territory in relation to any State affected.” As I have said, this is rather a formidable lion; but it can be tackled and required to retreat in this particular case if we can show, as I think we can, that he stands in the way of what would be a decided improvement.

Sir S. W. Griffith, in proposing a hearty vote of thanks to Mr. Douglas, said very few persons even in Queensland knew how very interesting these parts were. They were attracting attention from scientific people in Europe, and there was an expedition on its way now to study natural history in that part of Australian waters, which had peculiarities not found anywhere else. With regard to the boundary, when it was fixed in 1878, it was not unreasonable for Queensland to require to get all she could. She could not get New Guinea, but managed to get as near as possible. We followed round as close as we could get between the islands, and the coast of New Guinea, taking in practically everything. At that time all these parts were equally unknown and unsettled; but later, when New Guinea had what was after all a civilised Government, and in some respects a highly organised Government, considering the nature of the people it had to deal with, it became extremely absurd that some of the islands should be governed by Queensland because, as Mr. Douglas had pointed out, Queensland laws were quite inapplicable, whereas New Guinea laws were perfectly applicable. That impressed itself so strongly on his (Sir S. W. Griffith’s) mind that in order to remove the anomaly, he took the opportunity of going up there in the steamer Lucinda. Mr. Douglas was with him, and the trip was extremely interesting. It was hardly necessary to go up to see how absurd the arrangement was; but up there it appeared much more absurd. To illustrate this, he mentioned that when Sir William MacGregor defeated an invading tribe some of them escaped to the islands, where, being in Queensland territory, he could not interfere with them. Few concerned in the Government of the Commonwealth, and few in Queensland, knew anything of the matter. The cash value of the whole territory involved was not more than £100 or £200; but it was a serious matter that involved the welfare of a great number of very decent people. The first thing was to get the people to understand the facts; when they did, there would not be two opinions as to the correct thing to do. The next thing was, What was to be done? The Parliament of Queensland must consent to the alteration of the boundaries of the State of Queensland, by giving up these island to New Guinea. In the next place the Parliament of the Commonwealth must consent, and then the electors of Queensland must consent when the matter was submitted to them. He suggested that at the next general elections ballot papers on this question should be submitted to the people, and this could be done at little cost.

Sir Hugh Nelson: About one in 1000 would vote.

Sir S. W. Griffith said if only five voted and three were in favour it would be sufficient. If he had an opportunity of communicating with any one concerned in taking the necessary steps it would give him the greatest pleasure. (Applause.)

Sir A. C. Gregory seconded the motion, and said it was important to include the whole of the islands with Queensland at the time; but the moment New Guinea had a separate Government the conditions changed.

The motion was carried with acclamation.

John Douglas  “Maritime Boundary of Australia.”  Queensland Geographical Journal, vol 19, 1903, pp. 32-36



Douglas letter for an electric telegraph, 1862

Queensland Guardian (Brisbane), 1 July 1862, p. 3

TELEGRAPH TO THE NORTH.

To the Editor of the Queensland Guardian.

SIR,—I have not had an opportunity of examining the Queensland Estimates, and therefore I am not certain whether my object in writing to you may not have been anticipated by the apportionment of a sufficient sum for the extension of the telegraph line as far as Rockhampton during the current financial year. But I have seen no reference made to it in the newspapers, and I therefore claim a small space in your columns for the purpose of drawing attention to an undertaking of such importance to the Australian public that it must sooner or later be accomplished, and one which I think should be energetically pushed on by the Queensland Government.

We are already spectators of the rapid steps which our squatters are taking northward, and it requires no great foresight to anticipate the changes which will take place when the mail line by Torres Straits is run through, and when we are thus daily more and more brought into contact with China and the islands of the Eastern Archipelago. The current of commerce must then flow in a strong current to the shores of Queensland, and we shall surely do well to encourage the set of the tide in our favor.

I say then that in three years we ought to have a telegraph line open to Carpentaria. The civic ardour which finds vent at present in volunteer habits, in militia phantasmagoria, and in defences external and internal, may surely light into enthusiasm when it speculates on the strategy of the telegraph and the peaceful conquest of half a continent.

Railways are quite beyond our strength at present, but here is something we can do, and which we evidently ought to set about doing without delay. It is of more importance to us than any railway we shall ever make. More than this,—it is a sort of foreign policy, and in states, small as well as great, nothing conduces to the vitality and dignity of the constitution more than a spirited external action. Your Government, it is true, can have no relations with foreign powers, unless, indeed, you dignify New South Wales or Victoria with such appellations. Nor is it permitted to Mr. Herbert or Mr. Macalister, like Lord Palmerston or Mr. Gladstone, to give weighty deliverances on international ethics, but it does come within its sphere, by enterprise and devotion, to assist in the great work of rendering homogeneous and self-reliant the great continent which we own in common. Such a scope would the great Northern Telegraph have. And as to its cost?—

The telegraph lines which are now being constructed in New South Wales and Victoria do not cost more than £30 a mile. The distance from Dalby to Port Denison by the present track via Rannes, Rockhampton, and Port Cooper, is as near as possible seven hundred and forty miles; but a saving of at least fifty miles ought to be made by the more direct line which the wires would take; so that we may say that by this route Port Denison might be reached in six hundred and ninety miles from Dalby. Instead of thirty posts to the mile, it would be better and cheaper to have ten, and it would also be an improvement to increase the weight of the wire. Allowing that such a line would cost one third more than the New South Wales lines, we have a total cost of £31,750.

Then from Port Denison to Flinders River on the Gulf is some four hundred and fifty miles in a nearly direct line; but allowing for divergences let us say six hundred and fifty, at a cost of £100 a mile, showing an expenditure of £65,000; and a total on the whole line from Dalby of £116,750. Maintenance for three years in excess of receipts, I estimate at £5000 a year, equal to £15,000, which would thus bring the amount required up to £131,750. Now, if the Treasurer is authorised by the Assembly to raise money for this purpose as he requires it, the cost to the country will be less than £7000 a year, with the certainty that in a few years the receipts would cover expenses and pay at least 5 per cent. on the original capital.

Seven thousand a year! For what?—For that which will advance Queensland more than the expenditure of £50,000 a year on any other enterprise which it is within my power to compass.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN DOUGLAS.

Liverpool, New South Wales,
19th June, 1862.

Douglas election address Port Curtis 1863

The Courier (Brisbane), 14 April 1863, p. 4

To the Electors of the Port Curtis District

GENTLEMEN,—Mr. Sandeman has resigned, and it is possible that I may be Nominated as one of the Candidates at the ensuing Election. If so, and if I am elected, I shall oppose Sir G. Bowen’s present administration. I have no factious motives in view, and I have no private ends to serve; but I think I shall thus be more free to act and to enforce attention for your requirements than I would be as a mere retainer of an incoherent Ministry. Personally, and separately, I believe that the present men are the most capable and influential in the Assembly; but as a Ministry they seem to me to be a piece of incongruous patch work, which owes its existence to a disingenuous intrigue rather than to the legitimate practices of Constitutional Government.

It is generally supposed, I am told, that I am anxious—after the manner of the Chief Commissioner of Crown Lands, and other deserving individuals, to obtain a Government appointment. This supposition is incorrect. I am not, and am not likely to be, an applicant for any place of pay in the gift of the Ministry.

There would certainly be nothing the least derogatory in being an applicant, for Government employment ought to be, and, if judiciously dispensed, will be an honorable distinction rather than a servile inheritance, though I should be glad indeed to know that those who possess the requisite capacity are likely to be the only recipients of office. Of course, if I found favour with a constituency, and had the good fortune to become a member of the Assembly, I should run the same risk as any other of the gentlemen who compose the legislature, and if—to follow out the supposition—Sir George should, at a critical juncture, in a supreme moment of doubt or difficulty, submit himself to the ordeal of “The Hat,” to which his Excellency when he was at Rockhampton made such playful allusion, I must presume that the member for Port Curtis might have to encounter an inevitable destiny I should say, however, that the odds are about ten to one against his becoming a responsible Minister; and even if he should turn up in the fortuitous conception of such a Cabinet, you would still have the opportunity of pronouncing your verdict and perhaps your veto upon a fate which might otherwise be monstrous and irremediable.

I hope my friends will understand that I do not wish to make anything out of them for my private benefit, and I know that I may claim of them an honourable immunity from expectations of a similar nature.

I am Gentlemen,
Your most obedient servant,
JOHN DOUGLAS.

Brisbane, 13th April, 1863.

Friday, September 25, 2026

John Douglas nominating for Camden in December 1860

The Sydney Morning Herald, 20 December 1860, p. 3

NOMINATION FOR CAMDEN

The nomination for this electorate was held at the Camden court-house yesterday. The returning-officer, Mr. J. M. Antill, opened the proceedings by reading the writ, and stated that, though the electors had always taken great interest in the elections, they had done so in a spirit of fairness, and he hoped that the same spirit would be evinced on the present occasion.

Mr. JAMES K. CHISHOLM came forward to propose Mr. Oxley, and said that, though he had been a resident amongst them for many years, he had taken but a small part in political matters—not that he had not taken an interest in the welfare of the country, but because his tastes led him in a different direction. Mr. Oxley’s opinions were before the electors, and whatever the electors might think of those opinions, they must at all events give that gentleman credit for the straightforward way in which he had expressed himself. It was not necessary for him to enter into the imagined advantages that free selection was to confer—he should leave that task to the gentlemen who were its advocates; but those advantages were imagined to be so numerous that he wondered that the bill instead of being titled as it was, had not been called “A Bill to give everybody everything.” The only thing he regretted to see was the spirit of hostility that this measure had evoked between those who supported it and those who, in their consciences, were opposed in principle to Mr. Robertson and his proposal. And surely there was nothing about Mr. Robertson that should make a measure infallible merely because it came from him. And as to Mr. Oxley, he was not opposed to free selection (“after survey”). After survey, not unfettered by those conditions which the proposed bill would impose. And he would tell them that one, now in England (Mr. J. Macarthur), who was well known to them as a firm and consistent patriot, was strongly opposed to free selection. (“We will have him, but not his nominee.” “Though we bow to Gesler, we will not do so to his hat.”) He would not detain them longer, but would ask them whether they would prefer ignorance and incompetency, to education and ability? He now proposed Mr. Henry Molesworth Oxley as a fit and proper person to represent the Camden constituency.

Mr. W. K. ANTILL seconded the nomination.

Mr. JOHN BOULTON, who was received with cheers, said he had to propose a gentleman who was not only in favour of Mr. Robertson’s Land Bill, but was as out-and-out liberal, and prepared to support any measure for the good of the country. (Hear, hear.) The opponents of the Land Bill had said this country was not fitted for agriculture, but this was a great fallacy, and he was surprised, considering the state of farming, that so much wheat and corn was produced. (Hear, hear.) But he thought the sickness seen in our farming was owing to the system of letting land, for when men had freeholds they would not hesitate to make improvements, because the land was their own. But they would not do this whilst they held land on lease. (Hear, hear.) He thought that if the bill passed, they would be exporting instead of importing wheat, and that the country would be materially benefited. He had therefore much pleasure in proposing Mr. John Douglas as a fit and proper person to represent Camden in the ensuing Parliament. (Great cheering.)

Mr. THOMAS HAINES seconded the resolution.

Mr. HENRY BADGERY proposed Mr. John Morrice, and said that that gentleman was no stranger to them, and that all knew as well as he did how honest and straightforward and liberal a man Mr. Morrice was. He was astonished that the advantages of free selection had not been fully pointed out. Now he quite admitted that the principle would operate against him to some extent; but then, why should not the poor man have the same chance that he himself had formerly had? It was nonsense to say that a man could buy land, for he (Mr. B.) could tell them that, if he wanted a piece of land he went to the town with his eye shut, and bought at any price, no matter how high. The poor man would never have a chance were he (Mr. B.) wanted the ground; and for that reason he thought that the person who wanted land to cultivate, but who had not such money as the capitalist, should have a chance of getting it. As to the disputes that were talked about, there was no fear of them, because there was a provision made for settling all disputes by arbitration. Before concluding, he would wish to thank them for the honour they had done him in the requisition they sent him to stand for the district. He had not thought proper to comply with that requisition, as he had no ambition in that direction. At the same time, had there not been two liberal candidates in the field, he would have consented to free election before survey, he would himself, at any sacrifice, have come forward as a candidate, rather than see the district disfranchised.

Mr. HENRY DUNN seconded the nomination.

The OPPOSITION, who desired to give selection only after survey, said that if satisfied with the nineteen counties, they would agree to it; but it was well known that all the cream had been taken off those counties. The fact was that all the quarrel was about the squatters, and yet Mr. Robertson’s bill very honestly withdrew the squatters from the operation of free selection until after the expiration of the present leases. The secret then was this, that there were certain reserves in the unsettled districts over which the selection was to be exercised, and the squatters, having the use of these, did not wish to give them up. Then again, these reserves had been already mapped, and must therefore have been surveyed, consequently, free selection being confined to them, was not selection before survey. The runs were reserved from selection, and if they had not been so, he knew that Robertson and Cowper would have been scouted by the people of the country, for the men of New South Wales were so imbued with the spirit of justice that they would not have permitted an injury to be done to any class in the community. But these reserves were now occupied by the squatters, who paid nothing for them, and these it was proposed to throw open to the selection of persons desirous of cultivating. And why should it not be so? They had now all families growing up, they had all their children about them, and unless they had the means given them of owning they would find that the social evil that now was so much complained of in Sydney would soon extend to them. The only way of preventing this was by giving the people room to spread, and the adoption of a liberal land bill. In the early days of the colony, if a man only came here with ploughs, harrows, and the means of cultivation, he at once got a grant of land, and besides that servants to work it; then a price was put upon the land, and it had to be bought at 5s. an acre; then that price was raised to 12s., and afterwards to £1 an acre. And who had been the law-makers? Why, the large landed proprietors. That had been the reason why the price had been put on and afterwards raised, for they were afraid of the hard-working man getting a piece of land in any way. There was now a chance of getting this altered, and it was for the electors to say whether they were satisfied with things as they were now, or whether they wished a change; if the former, they must vote for selection after survey, if the latter election before survey. (Cheers.)

Mr. JOHN N. OXLEY said the principles of the gentleman he had to oppose were so well known, that he would be excused from dilating upon them. That gentleman was John Hubert Plunkett. He (Mr. Oxley) was of opinion they ought to have free selection—(“Mr. Plunkett voted against it,” &c.)—and said so at the last Narellan election. He believed it would be no injury to the country. (“Why propose Plunkett—he voted against it.”) He voted for it, and for all the liberal measures ever proposed in New South Wales. He had much pleasure in proposing Mr. Plunkett as a fit and proper person.

Mr. JOHN WILD seconded the nomination.

Mr. OXLEY came forward, no manifestation of feeling being made beyond a cry by an elector, “You see we are very quiet.” He said, although he had been told that he would not be heard in Camden, yet he had been assured that in throwing himself on the good sense of the electors he would meet with such a reception as a gentleman should receive, and as they should give; consequently, though he had never imagined that he would be greeted with rounds of applause, yet he knew that they would give him a fair hearing, and that was the utmost he desired. He was quite sure that under any circumstances the majority of the electors would give him a fair hearing. (“Yes, we will hear you, and vote against you afterwards.”) That they could do if they liked; all he wished was to vindicate his conduct, and if they would be patient for a short time he would not detain them long. He would now say that he had not taken an active part in this contest; on the contrary, he had allowed those opposed to him to promulgate all the lies about him that they thought proper. (No, no.) He repeated it, they had misrepresented everything ever he had said or done, and had done the same by the action of those with whom, when in the House, he had acted. (“No, no.”) He had not deemed it worth his while to reply to these attacks, because he knew when they had put the last stone upon the building, their edifice would be so unsubstantial, that the more material they used, the more easily would he be able to throw it down. (Cheers and “no.”) He would explain every portion of his conduct, and then when they had heard him and what he had to say, if they chose to believe his detractors in preference to him, all he could say was that he should be sorry for their infatuity, whilst at the same time he should take no further trouble in the matter, because he should feel that he had done all that was required of him.

[Oxley’s speech continues at considerable length on free selection, Robertson’s Land Bill and the Cowper Government.]

Mr. Douglas’s speech

Mr. DOUGLAS, who was received with great cheering, said they would understand the state of excitement in which he had been waiting, and would forgive him for saying he was rather agitated—(hear, hear)—upon stepping upon a platform upon which he was to receive his sentence. (Hear, hear.) There were certain duties and privileges they had to impose upon them, and also certain penalties. He stood under some disadvantages compared with the other candidates. They had all known three of these gentlemen. They knew Mr. Oxley, who had lived amongst them as a gentleman and a farmer, and had represented them before—(hear, hear)—and however they had differed from him on public questions, they must still entertain a private regard for him. (Cheers.) Mr. Morrice was similarly situated. He had lived twenty years amongst them, and all he possessed had been acquired by his own industry—(hear, hear, and cheers)—and he must therefore receive their sympathy. Another gentleman, who had been brought forward at the last moment, must receive their sympathy, whatever his opinions on public questions might be. (Hear, hear.) He had lived long amongst them, and was associated with them in public events, and was endeared to them all on account of his personal integrity. (Cheers.)

He therefore, a mere naked stranger amongst such men, known to them all, must feel somewhat embarrassed; but though they had not promised to receive his verdict, he trusted it would not be upon him. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He did not want to be politically extinguished,—let them not kill him, or string him up upon this place of execution. (Laughter.) He was young, and there were others fitter to meet their fate than he. (Cheers and laughter.) He was sure they would regret their fate; but if they gave him life for their death he would promise them they should not feel they had lost by so doing. (Cheers.)

Since he last met them at different meetings, the opinions of the country had been fully and freely expressed on this great question. Mr. Oxley had said that he should not have feared if the question had been put fully before the country. How could it have been put more distinctly than during the last three weeks? (Hear, hear, and cheers.) And what was the result? He believed there was no doubt of it—the verdict was this, that wherever there might be the cant term free selection—for he admitted there was some cant in the term—by which it was understood that every man should have the liberty and right to go where he liked and choose where he should make his home, so long as he did not interfere with any vested interest or promise given, the country had pronounced in favour of that free selection. (Cheers.)

And, therefore, he came there to bear testimony to this bill, which was not a subversive and revolutionary bill as had been stated. (Hear, hear.) He came there not to testify that in his belief it was a sound and conservative a measure as could be possibly passed. He knew of no right which it infringed. He had read that morning a speech made by Mr. Forster at Queanbeyan. He accepted that gentleman and Mr. Hay as the leading opponents of the measure. Speaking of the bill, Mr. Forster said that in all free legislation upon the subject of the land, it would be right to repeal all the old land regulations, as they were absurd. He (Mr. Douglas) said that Mr. Robertson’s bill was grafted on the old stock, and that in a good world some of anything that was not grafted on an old stock. (Hear, hear.) Were they not to make use of the experience of the past? He found the great conservative leader of this country broaching the most arrant revolutionary doctrines. (“The people would not have him at Queanbeyan.”) He was sorry that gentleman was not returned, and he would give credit to him for great earnestness and honesty of purpose. He did not think him wise, for he was devoid of that fine temper a public man ought to possess. No man should be a representative of the people who was not prepared to take rubs with a good grace. (Hear, hear.) He believed that it was the old English spirit; he was taught to cultivate it when he was at school, and he hoped to see more and more of it in this country. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. Oxley had asserted that the principle of free selection before survey was particularly upset by Mr. Hay’s amendment. (Mr. Oxley: “I said the principle was affirmed by passing the 18th clause with the amendment.”) He did not know anything of what was understood, but took it as it was before the country. (Hear, hear.) There was no sufficient definition given to the amendment to justify the House in accepting it, and therefore he said Mr. Robertson and the Ministry were right in going to the country upon it. (Cheers.) It had been asserted also that free selection after survey would meet the difficulties of the country. He said it would not. Free selection after survey here existed, and there was half a million of acres now surveyed and ready for selection, if any man would like to go and find out where it was. Therefore the principle had been tried and found wanting. (Hear, hear.)

What was the great objection made to free selection before survey? It was said, amongst other things, that it would destroy the great pastoral interests and the established interests of the country. He believed that to be an absurdity. (Hear, hear.) One-eighth of the whole territory of New South Wales would be thrown open, which was larger than many European kingdoms, and was not so suitable for pastoral as for agricultural purposes. In that portion a right had little having ceased, he thought Mr. Robertson would have been wanting in his duty to the country to have allowed it to have reverted absolutely to any individual except under a new title. (Hear, hear.)

As to the destruction of the pastoral interests, they could take Victoria as an example. True, they had not there free selection before survey; but for the last few years a large amount of land had been sold there greater than had been disposed of here, though the territory was smaller than that of New South Wales. They would suppose, if the reasoning were sound, that the pastoral interests there would be destroyed. But the pastoral produce had been actually increasing in Victoria, and stock was increasing in a ratio which was beginning to alarm the pastoral holders themselves. (“Using the pot.”) That might be considered as a safe guide, and as a proof that they would not be rushing on to destruction.

Some persons, too, objected to the bill on the ground of the difficulties that would arise as to boundaries, and said that the system of free selection would be experimental, and therefore why should we try it. He said it was not an experiment but had been tried in other cases on the gold-fields, and in the squatting districts, and had been found effectual, and could be worked without difficulty. Free selection had existed for ten years on the gold-fields—(hear, hear)—and he would defy any one to say it had not worked successfully. Of course disputes had arisen, and where could they expect a Elysian place for them than on a small spot of ground where untold riches were hid beneath the soil, and upon which thousands of men had congregated. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He did not say disputes and mistakes had not arisen, but the miners with that good feeling inherent in Englishmen where there was a doubt or a difficulty had appealed to the legally constituted authorities. (Cheers.)

And in the interior no squatting runs had been taken up except under free selection. (Hear, hear.) The squatters had gone out and taken up immense tracts of land, marking their boundaries; and he believed it was a sound system, and produced good results. Occasionally, no doubt, litigation had arisen after the decision of a commissioner, but that was only the exception to prove the rule. He would say now with regard to this free selection—“Beware if offences should arise out of this Land Bill.” (Hear, hear.) They might bear their opponents say, “The grand bill you have passed has done no good—why that upsets the whole system.” Let them not believe it. (Hear, hear.) He believed it was a true and good measure of reform. (Hear, hear.)

In all measures of reform there was not complete satisfaction. After the passing of measures of reform in England, there had been people who said, “We have fought for them and yet they are not fruitful of great results.” But they were not to be depressed by any passing difficulties—(hear, hear)—but would appeal to time to test the measure. (Cheers.) He said now, if they did so, they would find this a safe, great, and good measure of reform. (Cheers.)

There were men who had swelled majorities who did not understand this question, and who thought a home would be provided for them under this bill; but those who heard him, the hard working men, knew that this was a mistake and a most fallacious one, and that it would take hard work ere a home could be made. (Cheers and a cry “The poor man’s friend.”) He regretted deeply that in this election they had heard of the poor and the rich man, and of the capitalist. (Hear, hear.) He promised, if returned, that he would never soil his lips with the distinction of the poor and the rich. (Cheers.) He appeared there as a simple man amongst men (cheers); and he knew that if he justified their rights as men, that was all they would ask. (Loud cheers.)

The question of the Upper House was an important one. Even if the Land Bill was passed in the Lower House he had great doubts that it would pass in the Upper, unless there was a great deal of pressure. (Hear, hear.) There were prejudiced men in that House, blind to the interests of the country, and who did not possess the confidence of the people—(hear, hear)—and who would not pass the measure. Therefore, the question of that House was of equal if not of greater importance than the land question. (Hear, hear, and “Synod Bill.”)

He believed that the bill, so far as he understood it, for he had not read it, was intended to enable the Church of England (which laboured under some disadvantage in consequence of her connection with the Church at home) to carry out certain reforms necessary. He should not like to confer any power upon any one denomination not possessed by another. (Cheers.) He thought the Church of England here should be the Church of Australia—(hear, hear)—and, to carry out that idea, possibly it might be necessary to have an Imperial enactment.

On the question of education he might say that he had voted with a small minority on Mr. Cowper’s Privy Council system of education, and now his opponents were out of office. He voted for it avowedly acknowledging there were many things in the bill which ought to be altered. (Hear, hear.) One decided objection to it was that the Ministry for the time being would constitute the Board of Education for the whole country. That was also the case in England. Having voted for this system, of course he should be more inclined to vote for it again, for he believed it was fraught with good to the country.

He did not think education should be made altogether a question of schools. There were many forms of education not given at schools. The mere learning to read and write would not constitute a good education. To educate the people there were many other institutions, and one of them he should like to say a few words upon. (Hear, hear.) That was the Volunteer system, which in England had succeeded in arousing a great national feeling. When they found Lord Palmerston associated with a Volunteer corps, then they had an education and an institution for the people superior to many political institutions they heard so much about. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He should like to foster that feeling—a military feeling amongst the people; for he believed that no good could come to a free people unless they were armed, and that was the feeling in England. (Hear, hear.) That was not associated with a warlike feeling. Still men felt the noblest emotions of the heart nourished by the fact that they were prepared to die for their country. (Cheers.) If they sent him to Parliament they would never have cause to repent their choice. (“We will, we will!”)

He came honestly before them with no object to gain. It had been said that he came as Mr. Cowper’s nominee, but the charge was ludicrous. (Hear, hear.) He had had great pleasure in acting with Mr. Cowper, but he had never slavishly served him—(cheers)—nor would he do so. He would rather serve them than any man (hear, hear); but he did not forget the interests of party, and that to some extent he must merge his individual feeling for the sake of advancing some great object, although he might not agree with it in all its particulars. (Hear, hear.)

The other day a man took him by the hand after he had discussed matters of interest with him, and giving a warm grasp, for he was a brawny Irishman, and said “Sir, I hope you won’t deceive us.” (Hear, hear.) He hoped he never should. (Cheers.) He might not agree with them, but he should never deceive them. (Loud cheers.) The man said further, “We have had some representatives whom I believe in. I wear them here now, in my heart.” (Cheers.) He thought the man spoke feelingly. (Hear, hear.) If they pleased to return him, and one man here, afterwards, could say that he wore me in his heart, he should be satisfied. (Cheers.) No ambition could be so satisfactory in the thought that, by his conduct, he should be able to endear himself in their free hearts. (Loud and continued cheering.)

Mr. MORRICE, who was also received with cheering, said that at the last nomination he was a stranger to the most of them. Since then they had had time enough to know and learn what had been his course of life since he had been in the colony. (Cheers.) He had been here for twenty-six years. In the prime part of his life he had prepared the same life as themselves, and had gone through all the slavery of the colony, and knew their wants as well as any man in the colony. (Cheers.) He came before them to serve them truly if they sent him to Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The principal question before the public now was that of free selection, and it was now in their hands to decide whether they would have a home of their own, or be tenants to landlords all their lives. (Hear, hear.) He read Mr. Robertson’s Land Bill as soon as it came out, and considered it one of the honestest bills ever brought before the House. Their interest he studied there. (Hear, hear.) He respected Mr. Macarthur as much as any man in the colony, but was opposed to his sending in any nominee, as his (Mr. Morrice’s) interest was at stake as well as theirs. (Hear, hear.) He was determined, if no one else would oppose Mr. Macarthur’s nominee, that he would—(hear, hear),—and when he found no one else in the colony bold enough to do it, he came forward. He considered that the bill, whilst it protected the squatting interest, provided a homestead and freehold for every one who chose to take advantage of it, and opened out a field for emigration. (Cheers.) Queensland had established a pretty liberal land system, and Victoria also, and it was the duty of our Government to establish a more liberal one, so as to induce the people to settle on the lands, and others to come to the country. He did not deny that he was a squatter himself; and had a reserve on his own run. (Hear, hear.) He had no doubt they remembered that in the address he put forward last year, he was in favour of deferred payments, and that all the reserves in the unsettled districts should be thrown open to free selection. (Cheers.)

In answer to the question “Are you in favour of the Synod Bill?” Mr. Morrice said that if he went into Parliament he went to represent the whole and not a section of the community, and consequently could not support a bill not generally applicable. If they had anything else to ask him, he was quite prepared to answer it; but he had only to say that if they elected him they would find that he would serve them honestly and conscientiously.

He might however observe that the question of the maintenance of the principal highway of the colony was one of as much importance to the constituencies as any other that could come before the House. The matter had very recently come most pressingly under his notice, for having just come through Bargo Brush, he had found the road in such a dreadful state that he had really pitied both man and beast that had to journey through it—he could not say over it. The present state of the roads was a scandal and a shame, and showed more than anything the necessity for having in office practical men, instead of mere drawing clerks.

In answer to another question, Mr. Morrice said he went into the Assembly with a view to support the Land Bill, and support it he would, whether in the hands of the present or any other Ministry.

The candidate retired amidst loud cheering.

The RETURNING-OFFICER then called for a show of hands in favour of the respective candidates, which show he declared to be in favour of Mr. Douglas, Mr. Morrice. A poll was demanded by Mr. Oxley, when the returning-officer stated that the polling would take place on Friday, and that he would announce the final state of the poll on Saturday at noon.

On the motion of Mr. DOUGLAS three cheers were given for the returning-officer, three for Mr. Douglas, three for Mr. Morrice, and finally three times three for the Queen, after which the meeting dispersed.