Tuesday, September 22, 2026

John Douglas and the 1859 Darling Downs election - why he won

Why Douglas Was Successfully Returned for the Darling Downs in the 1859 New South Wales election

John Douglas entered parliament for the first time in July 1859. The result was much closer, and much more revealing, than the bare fact of his election suggests.

A three-way contest

The Darling Downs returned two members to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly. Three men contested the seats: John Douglas of Talgai, William Handcock, the Drayton storekeeper, and John Donald McLean of Westbrook. The official return was extraordinarily close: Douglas 383, Handcock 377 and McLean 375. Only eight votes separated first from third, and McLean missed the second seat by two. The result therefore demands explanation rather than the easy assumption that Douglas simply enjoyed overwhelming popularity.

The election was held in a district changing quickly. Farms were being fenced, houses built and towns expanding. The franchise had recently been widened, bringing many more adult men into electoral politics. Land, roads, bridges, schools and communications were immediate questions in a region where distance and access to resources shaped daily life.

Three candidates, three overlapping constituencies

The candidates did not represent three perfectly separate classes, but each possessed a recognisable social base. McLean was the wealthy owner of Westbrook and the candidate most readily associated with the established pastoral interest. Handcock was a self-made storekeeper. A correspondent signing himself “An Elector” described him as a man who had risen “from the people”, “one of themselves”, who understood their wants. That popular identification helps explain Handcock’s strength in the principal towns.

Douglas occupied more ambiguous ground. He was aristocratic by birth and an active squatter at Talgai. He was not merely playing at pastoralism: Talgai had imported wool-washing machinery, and in February 1859 Douglas spent £250 on ten rams, including two derived from high-quality Saxon merino stock. Yet contemporaries repeatedly thought his politics unusually liberal for a man of his class. “An Elector” preferred him to McLean because Douglas was “more liberal” and would “not be influenced by any party”. Other newspapers remarked that he formed his own opinions and would “see and judge for himself”.

A pastoralist who challenged pastoral privilege

Douglas’s land policy explains why the label “squatter” is insufficient. He defended the economic importance of pastoral production and rejected remedies he thought unsound, including Handcock’s scheme of free selection with deferred payment. At the same time he wanted oversized runs resurveyed and ultimately subdivided, opposed privileged access to valuable water frontages and argued that particularly favoured pastoral country should bear higher assessment.

There was no contradiction in Douglas’s own mind. He distinguished productive enterprise from privilege. He could invest heavily in improving Talgai while arguing that occupation of Crown land did not entitle the pastoral interest to monopolise public resources. That position made him acceptable to pastoral electors without making him simply the candidate of the pastoral establishment.

The “practical politics of life”

Douglas’s election address gave the broader philosophy behind these positions. He welcomed the enlarged franchise but did not pretend that popular government was infallible. He was neither “fool nor knave enough”, he said, to regard any pure political principle as a universal remedy. Political capacity had to be learned through “habits of self-reliance” in local affairs - townships, corporations, charities and other institutions.

He then turned to what he called the “practical politics of life”: education, land, roads, bridges and telegraphic communication. At nomination meetings he supported the National school system, wanted schools established at Toowoomba and Dalby, favoured better salaries for competent teachers and opposed state aid to religion. He spoke sympathetically of the working classes and admired men who had risen from humble origins through ability.

Handcock nevertheless had the stronger claim to be the working man’s candidate. His supporters could point to his own rise “from the people”. Douglas’s appeal was different. Although socially privileged, he was not seen as politically captive to privilege. That made him potentially acceptable to working men who preferred Handcock as well as to pastoral electors who preferred McLean.

The polling geography

The booth figures show why a simple town-versus-country interpretation fails. Douglas did not carry the three principal centres. At Warwick Handcock polled 117, McLean 84 and Douglas 64. At Toowoomba the figures were 74, 64 and 37; at Drayton McLean led with 54, Handcock had 46 and Douglas 45.

Douglas made up the difference across smaller settlements and outlying districts. He led at Dalby, Leyburn, Clifton, Jimbour and Maryland, tied McLean at Jondaryan and Cecil Plains, and remained competitive elsewhere. His strength at Clifton and nearby Canal Creek also reflected the Talgai district where he had been a magistrate, pastoralist and public figure for several years.

These were not simply “squatter votes”. Large stations such as Jimbour and Jondaryan were communities containing employees, tradesmen and others dependent on the pastoral economy but not themselves pastoral proprietors. Douglas could therefore compete with McLean in pastoral districts without those returns proving that the great squatters had rallied behind him.

The importance of the second vote

The electoral system is essential to understanding Douglas’s success. Darling Downs returned two members, and an elector could vote for two candidates. The totals were therefore not three exclusive voting blocs. A townsman whose first allegiance was to Handcock could also vote Douglas. A pastoral elector who preferred McLean could do the same.

Douglas was particularly well placed to receive that cross-cutting support. Indeed, before becoming McLean’s electoral competitor he had signed the requisition asking McLean to stand. During the campaign he denied coalition, said he had not canvassed a single vote and described himself as standing “on independent grounds”. After the result he defended McLean against abusive placards. Political competition did not require personal hostility.

Why Douglas finished first

The best explanation of the result is therefore not that Douglas commanded the largest single social bloc. Handcock had the clearer popular and urban identity; McLean the clearer connection with the established pastoral interest. Douglas had fewer barriers to receiving support across those constituencies.

His pastoral experience reassured rural interests, but his liberal politics distinguished him from the more conservative pastoral establishment. His support for the enlarged franchise, public education, local self-government, roads and communications, and his willingness to restrict pastoral privilege gave newly enfranchised and less wealthy electors reasons to support him. His years of magistracy, Separation agitation and local public work had also made him known well beyond Talgai.

That breadth mattered more than dominance. Douglas lost heavily to Handcock in Warwick and Toowoomba and did not head Drayton, yet accumulated enough votes across the rest of the electorate to finish first. In a two-member contest decided by only eight votes from first to third, being an acceptable second choice across otherwise different constituencies was probably decisive.

An already formed politician

Douglas later claimed that he had entered politics “as a kind of relaxation”. The evidence from 1855–59 makes that recollection difficult to take literally. Before his election he had already campaigned for Separation, defended responsible government, argued about the proper authority of public institutions, challenged administrative failures and developed a reputation for independent judgement.

By 1859 he had also articulated most of the political themes that would recur through his career: representative government, local responsibility, education, practical development, wider opportunity, productive enterprise and resistance to entrenched privilege. His election did not create John Douglas the politician. It was the point at which a political life already taking shape on the Darling Downs entered parliament.

Sources and further reading

·  John Douglas, 'To the Electors of the District of Darling Downs', North Australian, Ipswich and General Advertiser, 19 April 1859; republished 9 June 1859.

·  'An Elector', 'Original Correspondence', Moreton Bay Courier, 11 May 1859, p. 2.

·   Darling Downs Gazette, 12 May, 30 June and 28 July 1859, election commentary and returns.

·   Brisbane Courier, 22 June 1859, p. 2, 'Drayton'.

·   John Douglas to the editor, Moreton Bay Courier, 6 August 1859 (letter dated Brisbane, 3 August 1859).

·  New South Wales official electoral return, Darling Downs, poll 5 July 1859: Douglas 383; Handcock 377; McLean 375.

·  Maurice French, 'The Leading Man of Drayton: William Handcock, Frontier Storekeeper, and the Election of 1859', Journal of the Royal Historical Society of Queensland, vol. 13, no. 3 (August 1987), pp. 97–112.

·  Jeremy Hodes, John Douglas 1828–1904: The Uncompromising Liberal (PhD thesis, Central Queensland University, 2006), especially the discussion of the 1859 election.

John Douglas election address Darling Downs April 1859

The North Australian, Ipswich and General Advertiser, 19 April 1859, p. 2

TO THE ELECTORS OF THE DISTRICT OF DARLING DOWNS.

GENTLEMEN,—Your address is very gratifying to me, and I thank you heartily for the manner in which so many of you have asked me to present myself to you on the day of nomination, when you will be called upon to make choice of your representatives. It is a great relief to me, I can assure you, to find that your general expressions of confidence in me are subdued, and that you have formed no delusive standard of excellence which I could not satisfy. You have wisely abstained from those profound adjurations which on similar occasions we have sometimes heard, which are in truth only worthy of sycophants or hirelings, and from the unfortunate embarrassments of which you will now be relieved by the adoption of the Ballot,—a system which, if conscientiously carried out, will permit you to exercise the suffrage in silence, without offence to your own consciences or the feelings of your neighbours.

The franchise has been so amply extended that your representatives must be accepted as the faithful reflex of the opinions of the majority. To a Parliament so chosen the tendencies of an oligarchy can no longer with justice be imputed. The elected will, it is true, be men distinguished by no very commanding qualities from those who have been hitherto chosen; and though it does not seem to be generally felt that a very radical reform in our institutions is by such means either probable or practicable, it is, nevertheless, a very sincere source of gratification to me and many others that no large proportion of the adult male population can now complain of being shut out from a participation in privileges held to be inestimable.

I am neither fool nor knave enough to profess that in these or in any other pure principles of politics I can recognise a universal remedy for all our ills, and I will not pretend to deny that even with some misgiving the application of an somewhat complicated system of Government to so small a community, we are absorbed in agriculture, and get so unused to the despatch of business, but I know that nothing less will satisfy you, and I hope from it more than I fear. Charles Fox used to say that “So good a thing was a Parliament that a Parliament of the first four hundred men one might meet in the street would be better than no Parliament at all.” Much more I suppose do we think so now, since Whig principles have become so generally recognised. If he could esteem such an Assembly, surely the choice of the electors should merit our regard. If the aggregate is good, the exceptions will but serve to prove the rule, and we will never despair of the eventual result, because, at times, in frivolous moments of jealousy, or of anger, there may be some among us who will rise by the popular voice to unmerited and short-lived distinction. The influences of Democracy, which are so perceptible among us, are most prominent in the vigour of youth. They are the lifeblood of rising republics, and we have learnt from history that they are even consistent with national grandeur and intellectual culture, but in modern times we see them, as in France, sheltered, I had almost said overshadowed by a dominant system of authority; and, in America, as her own President has told her, the fair proportions of free government are in danger of being wasted and worn by intemperate heats, by eruptions, by diseases even more baneful than those engendered by unwholesome and irritating restraints. Walking by faith then rather than by sight, warned, but not discouraged by these great examples, we have chosen to aspire to a political position above that of mediocrity. Gentlemen, you need not me to tell you, your favour, that it is a perilous path,—yet there is excitement in danger,—there is satisfaction when it is surmounted,—let us say, as they say in Scotland,—“A stout heart to a stiff brae.”

Whether as elector or candidate for election I feel how much I have to learn, how much I am unpractised in the performance of public duties. It must be the same with most of us; but we may learn, and we shall be best taught by cultivating habits of self-reliance in the management of our local affairs, our townships, our corporations, our charities. While we can thus be serviceable to the State, and become bound by affection and interest to this Commonwealth and to these Colonies, we shall surely never forget that our allegiance is also due to that grand confederacy, which in England, Ireland, and Scotland, in the United States of America, in Canada, in South Africa, and now in Australia, recognises a common cause, and to which it would seem that for centuries, at least, the progress and liberties of the world are to be confided.

At this time, then, when we are so shortly to be admitted into the enjoyment of these benefits, you will permit me to speak; and I trust, will forgive me if already I have spoken with some unusual warmth on these subjects, which are always so interesting, but which do not, of course, call for these constant comments, nor will admit of that incessant discussion which it is so necessary that we should bestow upon the practical politics of life. How to educate our children and ourselves? How to sell and lease our lands? How to build our bridges and roads? How this telegraph to Port Essington is to be constructed? How all sorts of mountains and hills are to be made low? How valleys are to be exalted, and rough places made plain? On these and many kindred subjects we all hold diverse opinions. With justice to myself and with satisfaction to you, I could not hope to explain my views in the limits of an advertisement,—but we shall meet shortly. With some I may agree,—with others I may differ; but I am sure I shall receive a courteous hearing from all; and, I trust, that with none—not even my most sturdy opponents—shall I be more at enmity than now.

I am,
Gentlemen,
Your obedient servant,
JOHN DOUGLAS.

John Douglas obituary in the Capricornian

The Capricornian (Rockhampton), Saturday, 30 July 1904, p. 36

THE LATE HON. JOHN DOUGLAS.

The death of the Hon. John Douglas, says the “Brisbane Courier” removes from the public life of Queensland one who, by reason of his natural intellectual gifts, his educational attainments, his wide experience of men and affairs, and his well balanced and essentially fair mind, was eminently qualified for a leading part in building up the institutions of a young country. To the traits mentioned add honesty of purpose and honourable, even chivalrous, character, and we have a fair view of the mental side of the Hon. John Douglas.

Physically he was a fine, robust specimen of the Anglo-Saxon—alert, active, enduring. His face revealed his generous nature; his brow, dignified in later years by an abundance of silvered, waving hair, was that of a man of noble instincts. There was in him and about him always a calm dignity and courtesy which, however estimable in the eyes of his private friends, did not help him in the rough-and-tumble fighting of political life. It was said that he was not a born political leader in that he was not a fighter. Those who knew John Douglas privately and closely would put the expression thus: He was not a born political leader, because he always fought in the open, and his blows were never below the belt.

He was not personally aggressive, did not possess the aggressiveness that pursues (and belittles), and it is no secret to those who watched Queensland political developments in the late seventies that his lack of that very quality led to the selection of another leader of the old Liberal party. Practically upon that came the retirement of Mr. Douglas from political life.

But he had done the state good service; he had served in the old Legislative Council of New South Wales when Queensland had not yet been established as a separate colony, and from 1863 until 1879 he held a prominent place in the political life of this state. Mr. Douglas during his political career was responsible for the first blow struck at unrestricted Chinese immigration to Queensland. His Government passed an Act designed to check the flood of Chinese to the Palmer goldfield and other portions of the state. The Royal assent to the measure was withheld, but Mr. Douglas was not content to accept that as the last word on the subject. He imposed upon ships coming from China ports certain quarantine regulations, and that administrative act was found quite effective. Later on the legislation, much as we find it to-day, met with the Royal assent.

With this exception, Mr. Douglas’s term as Premier, from 8th March, 1877, to the 21st January, 1879, was not marked by any strong policy; but for that there were other reasons than his lack of creative instinct. Mr. Douglas had gathered up the threads of the Macalister and Thorn Administrations, and it was evident was fully occupied in holding the ground for his party until the general elections. Though not credited with having originated any other big political movements, Mr. Douglas was a good, sound administrator, whose honour was never impugned, and whose natural alertness and mental power prevented him from making serious mistakes.

Since his retirement from active political life he gave ample proof of his capacity in the management of men. He lived for many years in the outposts of this country and in New Guinea, administering the laws given him to meet cases, and using his own discretion where no laws existed—when savage people had to be dealt with—and there has been no occasion upon which his judgment, his tact, or his broad sense of right and wrong have been questioned.

Away in the great gateway that leads to and from the East, Mr. Douglas has had under his care a community as diverse as one would meet at Port Said, and at times the elements were bitterly and openly contentious. Again, he has had to deal with aboriginals whose instincts to plunder and murder are well known; again, with employers of aboriginals—white men and yellow—whose natures were lower and more devilish than the savages employed; again, with the natives of New Guinea and of the intervening islands lying between the Queensland coast and that of the Possession. Can any one point to an instance of lack of capacity on the part of the Government Resident (or High Commissioner) in handling the difficult material which makes up the population on the fringes of Torres Straits? Has there ever been a display of temper or tyranny? On the other hand, the Government of the state and of the Empire in so far as it was entrusted to the Hon. John Douglas has been carried out in a lofty and practical spirit, with firmness, but with kindness, with unflinching justice, yet with patience.

The Hon. John Douglas was for some years on the literary staff of the “Courier” and “Queenslander” as a leader writer. That was after his retirement from politics and before taking up his appointment as Government Resident at Thursday Island. It was chiefly in those days that the present writer, working in the same room with Mr. Douglas, learnt to appreciate his high intellectual qualities, to know the warmth and kindliness of his nature, to fully realise his benevolence in dealing with the weaker side of humanity.

Mr. Douglas carried into his literary work the polished style which characterised his public speaking, but he was in the nature of things more concise and therefore more effective as a writer than a speaker. In Parliament and on public platforms Mr. Douglas was more remarkable as a pleasant speaker, dipping his eloquence from a “well of purest English undefiled,” than as a forceful critic or advocate. As a writer, he was, perforce, restricted to space, and his ideas put in the concrete form often sparkled.

For much of the following we are indebted to “Meynell” and Werrett and Co.’s “Queensland.”

The Hon. John Douglas, C.M.G., B.A., son of Henry Alexander Douglas and Elizabeth (Dalziel) his wife, was born in London on the 6th of March, 1828. He was a nephew of the 4th and 5th Marquises of Queensberry. He was educated at Rugby and Durham University, and emigrated to New South Wales in 1851. Received an appointment as Gold Fields Commissioner, which he gave up to enter pastoral pursuits. He sat as member for Darling Downs in Sydney before Separation, and afterwards for Camden in the New South Wales Parliament.

In 1863 he settled in Queensland, and entered the Legislative Assembly for Port Curtis. In February, 1866, he joined the Macalister Ministry, and was Postmaster-General from March to July of that year. He was called to the Legislative Council the same year, but some months later he was appointed Treasurer, and re-entered the Assembly as member for the Eastern Downs. Again he resigned, and led for the Government in the Legislative Council. In May, 1867, Mr. Douglas resigned the Treasurership, and took up the portfolio of Secretary of Works until the following August.

On the 25th of November, 1868, the late Sir Charles Lilley came into power at the head of a Liberal Government, and Mr. Douglas in December took office as Postmaster-General, amongst his colleagues being Macalister, T. B. Stephens, and St. George Gore. In November, 1869, he resigned on accepting the post of Agent-General for Queensland, which he held until 1871, when he returned to the state, and was elected in 1875 for Maryborough.

In June, 1876, Mr. Douglas accepted office as Secretary for Lands in the Thorn Government, which was an offshoot of the Macalister party. In this Cabinet were Sir S. W. Griffith, Sir J. R. Dickson, Mr. R. M. Stewart, and Mr. C. S. Mein. On the 8th of March, 1877, Mr. Thorn resigned, and the Premiership fell to Mr. Douglas, who led a really strong combination against a strong and active Opposition led by Sir Thomas McIlwraith. In the following year he exchanged the portfolios of Secretary for Lands for that of Home Secretary. He led the Government until the 21st of January, 1879, when his party was defeated in the general election, and Sir Thomas McIlwraith’s Administration succeeded to power.

Subsequent to the assumption of a protectorate over a portion of New Guinea by the British Government, Mr. Douglas was a candidate for the office of High Commissioner, but the position was given by the Imperial Government to Sir Peter Scratchley, R.E. Mr. Douglas became Government Resident at Thursday Island in April, 1885, and on the death of Sir Peter Scratchley he was appointed Special Commissioner for British New Guinea, which post he held for nearly three years after the sovereignty of Great Britain was proclaimed. In 1889 he returned to Thursday Island as Government Resident and Police Magistrate.

The long residence in the far North seemed to impair the constitution of Mr. Douglas very little, but in 1902 he was able to take a long holiday, during the term of which he visited England and the Continent, and returned to Queensland, as he described it in his cheery way, “in splendid fettle.” Early in the present year he visited Brisbane from Thursday Island, and it was then noticed by his friends that he did not appear quite so robust as on his return from England, but his mental brightness and energy were in no way impaired. Age was, however, levying its charges on his reserve of strength, and the White Horseman coming, as he comes to all, delivered the great message, and the faithful servant of the public went to his rest.

The Hon. John Douglas leaves four sons. The eldest, Edward, is a barrister, and has served as associate to Sir S. W. Griffith and Mr. Justice Power. He is now practising his profession in Brisbane. The second son, Henry, is manager of Mr. Bowden’s business at Thursday Island, and with him is the third son, Hugh. The youngest, Robert, who is spoken of as a young man of high intellectual promise, is at Sydney University, and is intended for the Bar.

John Douglas obituary - Toowoomba Chronicle

The Toowoomba Chronicle, Tuesday, 26 July 1904, p. 3

THE DEATH OF JOHN DOUGLAS.

With the death at Thursday Island last Saturday of the Hon. John Douglas there passed away one of the most notable figures in the early political history of Queensland. A man of considerable ability, he had a remarkable experience of combined legislative and administrative life; that is to say, in the Public Service as well as Parliamentary. Few, indeed if any, of our Australian public men had such an experience in the service of the State.

Over fifty years ago, in the first flush of the gold discoveries, he was a Gold Fields Commissioner in the mother State. Then, after a brief interval devoted to pastoral pursuits, he entered Parliamentary life as a representative for Darling Downs in the New South Wales Parliament. There was no “Queensland” in those days, and the Darling Downs was a huge electorate. It was the irony of fate that it was the Darling Downs which commenced Mr. Douglas’s Parliamentary career, and it was the chief town of the Darling Downs which over a quarter of a century later terminated it.

But for a Parliament sitting in Sydney the Darling Downs was a scarcely convenient electorate to contest, and Mr. Douglas found in Camden a much more convenient one. Then some years later came Separation, and the election of the first Queensland Parliament. Mr. Douglas was not in the first batch of members elected to that first Parliament, and when on April 21, 1863, the late Hon. W. H. Groom first took his seat for Drayton and Toowoomba, Mr. Douglas was not a member. The seat for Port Curtis was then vacant—at any rate, Mr. Douglas was elected for it in 1863, but he was unable to take his seat in that first Parliament as it was dissolved on May 20, in consequence of the defeat of the Herbert Government on their Railway policy.

But he sat in the succeeding Parliaments, and in 1866 he joined the Macalister Ministry, first without portfolio and subsequently as Postmaster-General. His colleagues were Arthur Macalister, Robert Ramsay Mackenzie, Charles Lilley, and Joshua Peter Bell. All of these have long since passed away, so that with John Douglas passes the last member of the second Ministry of Queensland. The reign of that Ministry was a very short one—in fact, only six months.

The Macalister party again came into power in the following year. Mr. Douglas was not a member of it first, but he succeeded John Donald McLean as Colonial Treasurer six months after its formation, and later on he succeeded John Watts in the same Ministry as Minister for Works. We next find him as Postmaster-General in the Lilley Ministry in 1868-9 and afterwards he went to London as Agent-General.

He returned to Queensland in 1875 and found his old Liberal chief, Arthur Macalister, once more in power, and among Arthur Macalister’s colleagues at one period in the life of that Liberal Ministry were Thomas McIlwraith and Samuel Walker Griffith. McIlwraith soon left it to throw all the weight of his undoubted political genius into the Conservative Camp.

In the following year Arthur Macalister had a turn at the Agent-Generalship, and John Douglas being returned for Maryborough became joint head of the Ministry with George Thorn as Premier. Mr. Thorn was really only Premier nominally, and after about nine months he made way for John Douglas, under whom he accepted a subordinate position.

That Ministry was opposed by a strong combination, led by Sir Thomas McIlwraith and Sir Arthur Palmer. Mr. Douglas, like Mr. Thorn, was considered by members of the party too easy-going, not sufficiently aggressive, despite his undoubted political experience. The real brain of the Ministry was considered to be Sir Samuel Walker Griffith, and accordingly when the Douglas Government were defeated at the general elections in 1879 and Sir Thomas McIlwraith came into power, the Liberal party elected the member they considered their ablest one as Leader—namely, the then Mr. Griffith.

It was after this that John Douglas made what was perhaps the biggest political mistake of his lifetime. For some reason or other, he saw fit to leave his old Liberal colleagues and join the Conservative McIlwraith-Palmer party, and particularly at the most inopportune period. In 1883 the McIlwraith party induced him to contest North Brisbane against S. W. Griffith and William Brookes, just at the time when the Liberal tide was flowing strongest against the McIlwraith policy of syndicate railways and black labour. John Douglas could not have come forward as a Conservative candidate at a more inopportune period. Accordingly, he was at the bottom of the poll.

A few weeks later he chivalrously consented to lead a second “forlorn hope,” by contesting Drayton and Toowoomba, which had a similar result. After this he retired from public life, and two years later he was appointed Government Resident at Thursday Island, and on the death of Sir Peter Scratchley was appointed Her late Majesty’s Special Commissioner for British New Guinea, which he administered as a protectorate for nearly three years.

On the proclamation of British New Guinea as a British possession, he returned to his former position at Thursday Island. In both capacities, Special Commissioner and Government Resident, he rendered yeoman service to Australia for nearly 20 years. He had no easy task, having to deal with some very unpleasant material, but he brought to it a kindly spirit of patience and justice that gained him the admiration of all.

It may be said of John Douglas that, however one may have disagreed with him politically, he had no personal enemy. As a political leader he was conciliatory rather than aggressive. He was not a “born fighter” in the sense that a McIlwraith is—he was too chivalrous in many respects to be considered a born fighter—and he was really more of the born administrator than leader. His high intellectual abilities, his refined culture and kindly benevolent disposition impelled him more to the council room and study than the platform. Nevertheless, he was a charming speaker, though, perhaps, he was an even more charming writer.

As a personal friend, in giving an appreciation of him in yesterday’s “Courier,” well remarked:—

The death of the Hon. John Douglas removes from the public life of Queensland one who, by reason of his natural intellectual gifts, his educational attainments, his wide experience of men and affairs, and his well balanced and essentially fair mind, was eminently qualified for a leading part in building up the institutions of a young country. To the traits mentioned add honesty of purpose and honorable, even chivalrous, character, and we have a fair view of the mental side of the Hon. John Douglas. Physically he was a fine, robust specimen of the Anglo-Saxon—alert, active, enduring. His face revealed his generous nature; his brow, undignified in later years by an abundance of silvered, waving hair, was that of a man of noble instincts. There was in him and about him always a calm dignity and courtesy which, however estimable in the eyes of his private friends, did not help him in the rough-and-tumble fighting of political life. It was said that he was not a born political leader in that he was not a fighter. Those who knew John Douglas privately and closely would put the expression thus: He was not a born political leader, because he always fought in the open, and his blows were never below the belt. He was not personally aggressive, did not possess the aggressiveness that persuades, and it is no secret to those who watched Queensland political developments in the late seventies that his lack of that very quality led to the selection of another leader of the old Liberal party. Though probably lacking in the capacity for organising big political movements, and for wide processes of development, Mr. Douglas was a good, sound administrator, whose honor was never impugned. He lived for many years in the outposts of this country and in New Guinea, administering the laws given him to meet cases, and using his own discretion where no laws existed—when savage people had to be dealt with—and there has been no occasion upon which his judgment, his tact, or his broad sense of right and wrong have been questioned. Away in the great gateway that leads to and from the East, Mr. Douglas has had under his care a community as diverse as one would meet at Port Said, and at times the elements were bitterly and openly contentious. Again, he has had to deal with aboriginals whose instincts to plunder and murder are well known; again, with employers of aboriginals—white men and yellow—whose natures were lower and more devilish than the savages employed; again, with the natives of New Guinea and of the intervening islands lying between the Queensland coast and that of the Possession. Can any one point to an instance of lack of capacity on the part of the Government Resident (or High Commissioner) in handling the difficult material which makes up the population on the fringes of Torres Straits? Has there ever been a display of temper or tyranny? On the other hand, the Government of the State and of the Empire in so far as it was entrusted to the Hon. John Douglas has been carried out in a lofty and practical spirit, with firmness, but with kindness, with unflinching justice, yet with patience. In Parliament and on public platforms Mr. Douglas was more remarkable as a pleasant speaker, dipping his eloquence from a “well of purest English undefiled,” than as a forceful critic or advocate. As a writer he was, perforce, restricted to space, and his ideas put in the concrete form often sparkled.

The above appreciation is a well-deserved tribute to the memory of one who, as we have said, rendered yeoman public service to Australia in many capacities, but, perhaps, best of all as the Administrator of the most difficult part of the Commonwealth to govern. After nearly half a century, broadly speaking, of public service, he now passes away deeply regretted by all.

Monday, September 21, 2026

John Douglas, Maritime Boundary of Queensland paper, December 1903

The Brisbane Courier, Saturday, 26 December 1903, p. 14

MARITIME BOUNDARY OF QUEENSLAND. PAPER BY THE HON. JOHN DOUGLAS. ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY.

The following is the text of a paper on “The Maritime Boundary of Queensland,” by the Hon. John Douglas, Government Resident at Thursday Island, and read before the Royal Geographical Society (Queensland Branch) at the meeting held last Tuesday evening:—

I am honoured by thus having audience of the Royal Geographical Society of Queensland, and I beg to crave the attention of members for a brief space while I expound my theme on a matter of some general geographical interest, and one of special local significance to those of us who are connected, as I am, with the islands of Torres Straits, and the somewhat important little dependency of Thursday Island and Fort Kennedy.

There is a tradition that a commission was sent out to Sir John Young, authorising him to extend the boundary of New South Wales to the 10th parallel of south latitude. I cannot ascertain whether it was ever acted on. Let me, however, relate how it was that the islands of Torres Straits came to be annexed.

In 1876-7 certain adventurous spirits connected with the pearl-shelling industry had pushed out beyond the recognised bounds of our jurisdiction, and it was found that there was no legal authority which could be brought to bear upon them. It became necessary, therefore, to extend the boundaries of Queensland, and after a good deal of correspondence this was finally accomplished by the passing of an Act of the Queensland Parliament in 1879, which had been duly authorised by letters patent under the great Seal.

Thus it was that certain islands in Torres Straits and lying between the continent of Australia and island of New Guinea, that is to say, all islands included within a line drawn from Sandy Cape northward to the south-eastern limit of the Great Barrier Reefs, thence following the line of the great Barrier Reefs to their north-eastern extremity, near the latitude of 9½deg., thence in a north-westerly direction, embracing East Anchor and Bramble Cay, thence from Bramble Cay in a line west by south (true), embracing Warrior Reef, Saibai, and Tuan Island, thence diverging in a north-westerly direction, so as to embrace the group known as the Talbot Islands, thence to and embracing the Deliverance Islands, and onwards in a west by south direction to the meridian of 138deg. of east longitude.

That then is the present boundary of Queensland. When it was thus defined it was considered desirable to annex everything up to the shores of New Guinea. The annexation of British New Guinea did not take place for some nine years after this, but it then soon became apparent that some modification of the boundary in Torres Straits was necessary. This became the subject of correspondence between Sir William McGregor, the Colonial Office, and the Government of Queensland. In 1892 Sir Samuel Griffith, then being in office, visited Torres Straits on purpose to satisfy himself on the merits of the case, and I have no doubt that it would then soon have been settled, but unfortunately for this particular matter then in hand, Sir Samuel became Chief Justice, and nothing more was done until the correspondence was again revived, and at last various propositions were made and rejected. In May, 1893, an Order-in-Council altering the boundary, was passed, and such alteration was to take effect upon the passing of an Act of Parliament by Queensland endorsing it. The Act was duly drafted, printed, and prepared for the approval of Parliament, but unfortunately again, it was never brought in, and nothing more was done.

I shall now proceed to describe to you what the alteration was which it was thus proposed to effect.

Starting from a point three miles south-east of Bramble Cay, on the existing boundary line, it was designed to pass midway between Pearce Cay and Dalrymple Island, then by the centre of Moon Pass in the Warrior Reef, thence by a line passing three miles to the south of Turnagain and Deliverance Islands, westerly, thence west by south to the meridian of the 138th degree of east longitude. But, as I have said, this was never authorised.

Soon after the Commonwealth came into existence, and with it the capacity of Queensland to deal solely with the matter passed to the Commonwealth. Now, we know that the Commonwealth Parliament is about to legislate for British New Guinea, or for Papua, as it is to be called, and that is why I am anxious to draw attention to the maritime boundary of Queensland as affecting the maritime boundary of Papua, in order that it may be clearly understood.

In the first place, allow me to say that, in my opinion, the boundary, as defined by the Order-in-Council of 1893, ought to be accepted as a fair and reasonable solution of the question. It was arrived at after an exhaustive correspondence between the parties concerned, and would, I feel sure, be gladly accepted by the Papuan Government authorities as a just solution of their claims, for they have undoubted claims to a rectification of the existing boundary. So far as regards the Government of Queensland, it ought to be a relief to them to be able to hand over to the Papuan Government islands which they are not able satisfactorily to govern from Thursday Island. Moreover, the Papuan Government, by its special ordinances made applicable to native requirements, is much more capable of administering justice and maintaining order than we are. I have done the best I can to administer justice and maintain order in a patriarchal kind of way through the head men, or mamooses, as they are called, of the different islands, and the people generally carry out my wishes, but something more than this is now required. It is difficult, nay almost impossible, to apply our Queensland laws to such islands as Saibai, Dowan, and Boigu. To the magistrate at Daru, with his native ordinances, and his proximity to these islands, it is another matter altogether. The people inhabiting these islands are Papuans. They are most amenable to order. They have improved immensely. When I first knew them they were literally naked savages. Now they are among the most intelligent and enterprising of our islanders. But, like most natives, they are easily led astray.

Unprincipled men, both white and coloured, give or sell them drink, and through Saibai a good deal of liquor has been supplied to the natives of New Guinea. Indeed, so frequently has this been lately done that the authorities at Daru have prohibited our Saibai natives from landing on the shores of New Guinea. I have done the best I can to stop this nefarious traffic in liquor, and I am happy to say that I have secured two convictions; but this is not such an easy matter, for the proceedings have to be conducted in accordance with the laws of the State before the court at Thursday Island, which is eighty miles from Saibai. In the last case five witnesses had to be brought in and taken out again in order to secure the necessary evidence. Such cases would, I can assure you, be much more easily and effectually disposed of at Daru, the western headquarters of administration in British New Guinea. That is one very good reason why I should like to see Saibai under the jurisdiction at Daru.

There are many other reasons, but geographically—and you, gentlemen, are specially interested in the question from that point of view—it does seem ridiculous that a large island like Saibai, being almost within gunshot of New Guinea, should still belong to Queensland. Nor must it be forgotten that as Government Resident at Thursday Island I have now no steamer in which I can visit these islands. This year, it is true, I have visited the coast of New Guinea four times in order to investigate matters of this kind; but it has always been in a small sailing vessel, and this does not further prompt action.

What I have said of Saibai holds good of Dowan (Tuan) and of Boigu. They are both visited and occupied by Papuans, and they are both tarred with the same brush so far as the distribution of liquor is concerned. I am sorry to say it, for the Papuan, as a rule, has no great longing for our liquors, unless he is educated in that direction by the white man. He is satisfied with the mild excitements of the betel nut until he reaches a higher exaltation under the influences of our liquor essences. Of course you all know that under our laws persons are prohibited from supplying liquor to aboriginal natives, or to South Sea Islanders, and at Thursday Island we are sometimes held up as examples of how a good law may be violated with the utmost impunity.

A distinguished visitor, a senator from the South, for instance, remarked the other day that he saw aboriginal natives served at the bars of public-houses with the police looking calmly on. This, I admit, is perfectly true. There appears to be great apathy on their part. When challenged, however, with negligence of duty, they say that they arrest offenders who exceed, and that they prefer the open violation of the law as practised to the illicit sale of bottles and cases of grog through intermediate persons. They also say that it is almost impossible to secure a conviction against a publican who sells to an aboriginal across the bar, for the law requires proof that the liquor so sold contains or contained so much per cent. of alcohol. How are they to prove that, they say, when the alcohol is absorbed into the stomach of the participant? I fancy myself that a way out of that difficulty might be found. Still, the fact remains that no complaints are lodged, and convictions are rarely obtained.

To revert, however, once more to the theme of my paper, which I do not wish to make tedious, there are manifest advantages connected with the proposed rectification. No one can question its geographical justification. It will fairly meet the claims of the Papuan Government, and it will in no way prejudice the territorial rights of this State. The trade of that portion of New Guinea, such as it is, gravitates to Thursday Island, and will continue to do so. It gives reasonable scope to the natives of Papua for the prosecution of their pearl-shelling industry, to which they are by no means indifferent, and it will enable the Papuan Government to control and repress altogether, I hope, this nefarious dealing in liquor, which is calculated to do so much harm if it is allowed to go on.

Before I close this paper I must honestly tell you that before the desired object can be attained considerable difficulties stand in the way. The rectification could easily have been effected in 1892, after Sir Samuel’s exploration, or, indeed, in 1893, when the Order-in-Council authorising it was passed; but now there is rather a formidable lion in the path. The 123rd clause of the Commonwealth Constitution provides that “the Parliament of the Commonwealth may, with the consent of the Parliament of the State, and the approval of the electors of the State voting upon the question, increase, diminish, or otherwise alter the limits of the State, on such terms and conditions as may be agreed on, and may, with the like consent, make provision respecting the effect and operation of any increase, diminution, or alteration of territory in relation to any State affected.”

As I have said, this is rather a formidable lion; but he can be tackled and required to retreat in this particular case if we can show, as I think we can, that he stands in the way of what would be a decided improvement. Perhaps, however, you would like to hear something about our own islands, which we do not propose to hand over to Papua. Here Mr. Douglas proceeded to refer to Murray, Darnley, Mabuiag, Badu, Albany, and other islands.

John Douglas interview, Brisbane December 1903

The Brisbane Courier, Friday, 11 December 1903, p. 5

THE HON. JOHN DOUGLAS, VISIT TO BRISBANE. AN INTERESTING INTERVIEW.

The Hon. John Douglas, C.M.G., Government Resident at Thursday Island, was a passenger to Brisbane by the E. and A. liner Empire, which arrived in Moreton Bay on Wednesday night. Mr. Douglas came up to Brisbane yesterday. It is eighteen months since the Government Resident at the gates of Australia was in Brisbane—on the occasion of his return from a holiday trip to England. He looks remarkably well, and discussed with keen interest the public questions of the day. Though resident in the far North, Mr. Douglas keeps in touch with the world. He was good enough to grant an interview to our representative on board the Empire, and to offer some observations upon questions of interest in connection with his sphere of labour.

PEARL-SHELLING INDUSTRY.

The main topic of course with any one from Thursday Island is the pearl-shelling industry, and the first question put to Mr. Douglas was upon the subject. “The season has been a very bad one,” Mr. Douglas said, “the worst we have known for bad weather, that means dirty water, and the take of shell up to September was scarcely anything, our lowest record. During the past two months, however, there has been better weather, and a good deal of lost ground has been made up. The shellers have been lucky enough also to get a good many pearls, some of them very valuable. They will make up for a good deal of the lost time earlier in the year. Apart from this fact, in connection with the industry everything at Thursday Island is going as usual.”

SUPPLY OF LABOUR.

“The supply of labour for the pearling industry is fairly good now; there are no serious complaints about it. I may mention that there are a good many New Guinea natives engaged in the fisheries, and they are doing fairly well. I should say that there are about 200 New Guinea boys employed. They are well looked after by their own Government—the Government of New Guinea—which insists that the natives shall only work under the superintendence of white men. The boys are really doing very well for the industry, and they are not now being sacrificed as they were at first. In the earlier periods, when they were engaged, they were allowed to die of berri berri for want of proper food. They are recruited in New Guinea, and some of them are employed in New Guinea waters.”

NEW GUINEA AFFAIRS.

Mr. Douglas declined to discuss the position of affairs in New Guinea, but from passing remarks it was apparent that he regards the financial question there as of considerable importance to the Commonwealth, so much so that it may be necessary that the Commonwealth should make advances necessary for the development of industries, and make the funds a charge against the possession. Mr. Douglas, on being directly questioned on the subject, was disinclined to pursue it publicly. The Tugari head hunters, who used to occasionally visit Queensland shores, especially the islands near New Guinea, have been very quiet of late, and seem to have given up their desperate pastime. They have not been heard of for some time. Upon the mining development of New Guinea and the work of the missionaries Mr. Douglas would not speak, though he was recently in close touch with that country. The reason of this, it may be inferred, is that he prefers to let the Administrator of New Guinea speak for his own country.

MARITIME BOUNDARY.

On one point connected in a measure with New Guinea Mr. Douglas was less reticent. He was questioned as to the position of a proposal made some time ago for the rectification of the maritime boundary of Queensland. “I am rather anxious,” he said, “to draw the attention of the Government to the necessity of a further rectification. Our present boundary runs right up to the shores of New Guinea, and includes islands which are not only adjacent to, but really part of New Guinea. The Commonwealth Parliament is going to legislate on New Guinea next session, but before they do any act of legislation I hope this matter of the rectification of the boundaries will be provided for. It was all settled some time ago by correspondence, Sir Wm. Macgregor and the Queensland Government, I believe in Sir Hugh Nelson’s time, had arranged it, and the Colonial Office had agreed to it, and all that was wanted was an Act of Parliament in Queensland. However, it was never brought on. There may be a little objection on the part of the Thursday Island people to it, but I am convinced that the islands concerned will be better looked after by the New Guinea Government than under the Queensland Government, which seems rather a strong thing to say, but it is not possible for Queensland to do the work so well. I know all the facts bearing on the subject at present, and am satisfied that the administration from New Guinea will be better than from Thursday Island.”

DARNLEY AND MURRAY ISLANDS.

At Darnley Island, Mr. Douglas said, the natives are very prosperous, and a much larger number of them are going into the pearling industry, earning their livelihood at pearl shelling; indeed, some of them are doing remarkably well, but they have not the faculty of keeping their money. At Murray Island the people have bought and paid for two boats, which are their sole property, and a boat has also been purchased on behalf of the natives of Baru. They expect also to work it out in a few months’ time.

THE NATIVES.

“The native population generally, I may say,” Mr. Douglas remarked, in reply to a question, “are in a healthy condition, and certainly not decreasing in numbers, though there have been deaths amongst them, which can scarcely be accounted for. Some of the women have died from puerperal fever. My interests in the islands are centred in the schools, which I think are doing good work, and my chief mission to Brisbane is to see the Government on the subject in the hope that the work may be extended to some degree.”

These remarks were not applicable to the mainland aboriginals, concerning whom Mr. Douglas has a somewhat different opinion. “The poor things,” he said, “it is very difficult to save them. The mission stations are doing good work amongst them, and Mapoon is giving satisfactory results. There have been a considerable number of halfcaste children established there permanently, and who are being educated. These children come from the Normanton district chiefly.” By Mr. Douglas’s tone rather than his words, there was conveyed an impression that even in the far North the preservation of the aboriginals as a race appears hopeless. He, however, seemed appreciative of the duty of the State in regulating the employment of the aboriginals and in saving them from themselves as far as possible.

THE DUTCH PORT MAROUKE.

The interest at Thursday Island in the Dutch port of Marouke seems to have subsided. “It (the port) is ‘just going on,’” Mr. Douglas said, but the expected exodus from Thursday Island has not taken place. The Dutch are spending a good deal of money on the port, and will gradually acquire information about the country which is opened up. The Dutch steamer which used to come in once a month has ceased plying between Thursday Island and Batavia, but it still runs between Batavia and Marouke. A Dutch gunboat comes over occasionally, either the Lombok or Van Dorn. “We are very good friends, and Mr. Mitchell, of Thursday Island, has been appointed Dutch Consul and flies the Dutch flag.”

TORRES STRAITS MINING.

At Horn Island there is nothing doing in the way of mining, but at Possession Island work is going on, and the small crushing plant there grinds away apace.

DREDGING THE CHANNELS.

“The Chamber of Commerce,” said Mr. Douglas, “is very anxious to get something done in the way of dredging in the channels of Thursday Island, and no doubt for a very small expenditure a very great difference could be made. Whether this can be acceded to or not by the Government I do not know, but when the work can be done it should be done. Hovell Bank, not Hovell Rock, is one of the places I refer to. It might be dredged to a very small extent, so as to provide considerable convenience to passing steamers. Another place which might be dealt with is what we call the Seventeen-foot Patch, which could be dredged in a few weeks’ time. We hope to see this work done soon, and that Thursday Island should not be overlooked as it has been lately.”

Mr. Douglas is staying at the Bellevue Hotel. 

Sunday, September 20, 2026

Asia and Australasia by John Douglas

The Nineteenth Century, July 1902, pp. 43-54

ASIA AND AUSTRALASIA by John Douglas+

The Australian Commonwealth has a number of knotty questions to solve—one of not the least difficult is that of the settlement and civilisation of Northern Australia.

On the one hand we have Australasia, including New Zealand, with some four millions of inhabitants, chiefly living in what may be called sub-tropical Australia; then we have a wide belt, practically the unoccupied space of Tropical Australia; and then, beyond that, there is Asia with its countless millions—Netherlands India, with its thirty millions; the Malay States, British India, the Philippines, China, and Japan, with all their multitudinous millions, seething and effervescing as it were under the leavening influence of Western civilisation. And when Asia and Australasia come into closer contact what is going to happen? Is Tropical Australia to be influenced by its climatic conditions and its propinquity to Asia, or is it to be inhabited and influenced by the people of Australia?

Northern Australia, north of the Tropic of Capricorn, is a vast, sparsely peopled country whose inhabitants, according to Mr. Fenton (the Commonwealth Statist), are estimated at about 170,000 souls—though he admits that his data for this estimate are at present incomplete.

It may be interesting, however, to record the details with which I have been supplied by him. According to these the total white and coloured population in Tropical Australia is 170,930, apportioned as follows:

Queensland

South Australia

West Australia

White

145,170

1,561

2,970

Coloured

16,700

2,830

1,700

161,870

4,390

4,670

I am myself inclined to think that Mr. Fenton’s estimate of the aboriginal population is too low, and that 30,000 or even 50,000 might be added to the 170,930 souls above mentioned.

Though not populous, therefore, this vast area is undoubtedly rich in latent wealth. It is a great mineral country—there can be no doubt of that: scientific observations and practical prospecting both point to that conclusion. Its pastoral capabilities are also great without estimating the arid wastes of the country four or five hundred miles from the coast. There are portions, also, of the seaboard which may be regarded as agricultural, and richly endowed with a prolific soil, though these are limited, as compared with the deserts which intersect it.

Such is the Tropical Australia about which I propose to say something here, especially of that portion of it in Northern Queensland, in the Torres Strait, and in New Guinea, where I have spent a good many years of my life within the tropics.

When I first knew Australia, in 1851, there was no Tropical Australia—no Tropical Australia inhabited by Europeans. Brisbane was the furthest Northern settlement and Moreton Bay was emerging from the era of transportation. But then gold had been discovered near Bathurst and all the world of Sydney was off to the goldfields.

Being in those days an ingenuous new chum of three-and-twenty, I went straight for the goldfields, and on my way thither I made the acquaintance of a rather remarkable historical personage. He was sitting at the head of a long table at Bathurst, where a number of travellers had met to dine, and he was holding forth in rather a dominant tone on the desperate prospects of a country given up to gold-digging. What would become of the great pastoral interests of the country? The shepherds would all desert their flocks, and the sheep would become the prey of the dingoes. The gentleman I speak of had a florid face and a resonant, commanding voice. The country in very truth, said he, would go to the dogs.

As a stranger I ventured to remark that there was another way to look at the question, and that the goldfields might attract a most enterprising population from the Old Country, and after all, if the worst came to the worst, the sheep would look after themselves for a time. Then someone else intervened, and ejaculated, ‘Chinese—we will send for Chinese.’ At this the gentleman of the florid face and the resonant voice became still more florid and still more resonant.

He apostrophised the suggested Chinamen, and then and there they were consigned to a place supposed to be even hotter than the hottest portion of Australia. The gentleman whom I had thus rather incautiously roused was, as I subsequently ascertained, the celebrated William Charles Wentworth, the ideal patriot and legislator of New South Wales. Nevertheless, the Chinamen were sent for; the Chinamen came; and for some years many of them tended the sheep of Australia in which Mr. Wentworth was so interested.

I myself had a good deal of experience of them and found that some of them made very good shepherds, for that was in the days when the country was not fenced in, and when a shepherd who could fatten a flock well for the pots was worth 1l. a week.

Australia was indeed willing to accept the services of Asia for some years, while everybody was busy at the goldfields.

At a somewhat later period I was in Northern Australia—what was then Northern Australia—in the vicinity of Brisbane. There was an agitation for separation. We were languishing for want of men—men and women to do the work of the splendid country which had been discovered. If we could not get enough immigrants from the Old Country, we should have to get coolies from India; and even Dr. Lang, the great agitator and advocate of British immigration, admitted that we might have coolies from India, seeing that Moreton Bay was a semi-tropical country, and coolies might help us to grow cotton for Manchester.

Coolies, at any rate, were better than convicts, which seemed to be the alternative, for the squatters began to talk of the resumption of transportation. But neither coolies nor convicts came. Separation was accomplished, and with separation came the land order system and British immigrants. There was a grand transformation scene, and Queensland came to the front as one of the leading colonies of Australia. Then, under the governorship of Sir George Bowen, there set in a period of great northern expansion. New townships were formed on the Northern seaboard. Rockhampton, Mackay, Bowen, and Townsville, Cardwell, Cairns, and Cooktown sprang into existence as if by magic.

All these places, one after the other, were founded and prospered. Still no coolies—only the poor English and Irish and Scotch and German immigrants, who got sadly bitten by mosquitoes when they first arrived, but who pushed out not only northwards, but westwards, right through from end to end of the country. It was amazing and unprecedented, but it was indisputable. At this time sugar and cotton were beginning to be grown, but sugar, as people said in those days, could not be grown without coolies. If we could not get coolies from India, we might get coolies possibly from Java—so thought the sugar-planters—or perhaps we might learn how to grow sugar from the Dutch in Java; and so it came about that a kind of embassy was sent to Batavia, and an agreement—which lasted only a short time—was made with our Dutch neighbours to run steamers through Torres Strait round Cape York, where Somerset had already been established. I happened then to be Postmaster-General in Sir George Bowen’s Government, and the first contract for a steam-service through Torres Strait was signed by me; but it did not last long, and it was found better for us to go to Singapore than to Batavia.

Ultimately the British Indian Company took the mail contract, and with it came an agreement under which immigrants were brought out by way of the Red Sea. It was considered an experiment at the time, but it proved a great success. It was clearly demonstrated that immigrants could be brought out by steamships through the Red Sea with less mortality and greater comfort than they could be by the Cape in sailing ships. Thenceforth Torres Strait became the recognised highway for British immigrants to our northern settlements, and the fertilising stream continued to contribute to their surprising growth.

All this time coolies from India had been talked about. Bills had been introduced into Parliament, negotiations had taken place with the Indian Government, but nothing came of it all. No Government would face the responsibility of introducing them, and finally Sir Thomas McIlwraith abandoned the idea altogether, and promised his constituents never again to advocate it. Nothing could be more explicit than his statements in this respect.

Meanwhile, however, the cry for coolies had been to a great extent met by the introduction of South Sea Islanders, who were found to be most useful auxiliaries in the plantations right along the coast from the Logan to Cairns and Port Douglas. In spite of the abominable iniquities connected with the introduction of Pacific Islanders in the early days of its inception, when the enormities of the slave trade were reproduced with variations which only feebly differentiated it from its African prototype—in spite, I say, of this—it was licked into a kind of shape which made it in a sort of way tolerable.

And at last, this island traffic was coddled into existence as a substitute for the coolies whose introduction had been abandoned, and there is no doubt that the Islanders proved most helpful, though their employment led to much difference of opinion among ourselves. The cry for Indian coolies died out, partly because the politicians found it necessary to abandon it, and partly because the amiable and adaptable South Sea Islander had proved an excellent and most suitable substitute. But all this time a considerable voluntary immigration of another kind of Asiatic coolie had set in: the Chinaman once more put in his appearance, attracted to the northern and eastern shores of Australia by the discovery of gold, and chiefly by the discovery of gold at Thornborough and the Palmer Rivers.

Now, we Australians have never been in love with the Chinaman, and in that respect we were of the same mind as Mr. Wentworth, the gentleman of the resonant voice of whom I have spoken. John Chinaman nevertheless was coming to us in larger numbers than we liked. He was helping himself to our gold, and he was costing us money in the additional police which had to be employed to look after him. What could we do? Well, we brought in Bills and passed them through Parliament; we proposed that each Chinaman should pay 10l. on landing, which amount was to be returned to him when he left us, provided that in the meantime he had not cost us anything as an inmate of our gaols or hospitals. The Colonial Secretary, however, at that time would have none of our Chinese Bills, and Her Majesty’s assent was withheld from them. Still the Chinamen came—not by hundreds, but by thousands: shiploads were arriving every day. Already there were 30,000 on the Palmer River and at that rate Northern Queensland would soon have become a Chinese dependency of the British Empire. It was an anxious time for us all, and especially for me, for I happened at the time to be at the head of the Ministry. As good luck would have it, however, a comparatively trifling incident supplied us with a solution of the difficulty. A vessel arrived from Hong-Kong with a case of smallpox on board. She was placed in quarantine, and an executive minute was passed which required that all ships coming from China should perform quarantine.

The expedient we had recourse to proved effective. In a short time 4,000 Chinamen were performing quarantine on FitzRoy Island, off Cape Grafton; and our new Governor, Sir Arthur Kennedy, also happening to arrive at the same time, had to go into quarantine at Moreton Bay. This quarantine expedient settled the whole question. Shippers no longer found it profitable to book Chinese passengers to Queensland; and the Colonial Office, seeing that we were in earnest, assented to the much more drastic legislation which was ultimately adopted throughout Australia.

The incident I refer to happened in 1876, and since then I think I may say that no large number of Chinamen have come to remain in Australia. I should add, however, that the Chinamen who came to the Palmer Diggings got a good deal of alluvial gold on the Palmer. Many of them—most of those who got gold—returned to China, and those who did not got distributed over the country—many of them being employed in clearing the scrub lands on the coast, which were afterwards transformed into sugar-plantations. A few years after the time I speak of I severed my connection with Queensland politics, and since then I have lived chiefly at Thursday Island and in British New Guinea.

I now come to the more special subject of this paper, and shall endeavour first to sketch briefly the history of the settlement at Thursday Island as one of the connecting links between Asia and Australasia, and the centre of our pearl-shell fishery in Torres Strait. And then I shall have something more to add in reference to the present relations of Asia and Australasia in connection with the recent Commonwealth legislation on alien immigration.

First, then, as to the inception of the pearl-shell fishery. It commenced in 1869 at Somerset. Hither came some adventurous mariners from Sydney with scratch crews consisting chiefly of South Sea Islanders. The Wappa or Warrior reef was the first scene of their search, and the method was that of what we call swimming diving—that is, of diving without the aid of any apparatus. The shell was very abundant, and was readily brought to the surface by the expert swimming natives in waters which did not exceed twenty feet in depth. The few boats which were then engaged in the fishery were soon filled to the brim, and though the price realised at first did not reach 100l. a ton, it was so easily obtained at but small outlay that it paid remarkably well. Then, when the shell reached the London market prices rose till they reached 250l. a ton. Herein, then, there was manifestly a new discovery which attracted marked attention. More boats and more extended prospecting resulted in increased proportion. The Ormond reefs proved most productive, and the shallow channels round the Prince of Wales Islands were exceptionally rich.

Some fortunes were very quickly made by swimming diving, and a good many precious pearls found their way to Sydney as the illicit perquisites of the South Sea Island divers, who generally managed to appropriate them. Indeed, so handsome were the profits realised from the shell itself that the boat-owners began to regard the possession of the pearls obtained as a secondary consideration altogether. Besides, if a diver happened to find a good pearl in the shell which he opened and handled, how was the master to know anything about it? Many a diver, accordingly, after a successful season in Torres Strait, could afford to spend a high time of it in Sydney for many weeks. Thus it came about that a good deal of attention was attracted to this profitable pursuit.

Boats were fitted out with diving apparatus, and white men began to think that it might be worth their while to learn how to dive in the diving dress. Under such conditions as then prevailed there was little or no risk, and with ordinary care diving for pearl shell might be quite as profitable as gold-digging. Meanwhile more boats made their appearance. But it was not so easy to supply the crews. The local source of supply was exhausted. The shallow waters had been pretty well picked over, and in them the shell was less abundant: the deeper waters must be tried, and for them more men were wanted. And thus it came about that Malays and Manila men were recruited. The steamers then plying between Brisbane and Singapore proved to be convenient vehicles for the introduction of these men, and the men turned out on the whole to be very suitable for the work. There were no divers among them at first, but they soon learned to work in the diving dress, and some of them proved to be excellent divers. As time went on, it was found that Somerset was not a very suitable centre for the industry. The Prince of Wales Islands were resorted to by the shellers. Albany Pass proved to be a somewhat dangerous anchorage: the tides were too strong. The channels round Thursday Island were found to be safer and more secure, and so it came about that the settlement was moved from Somerset to Thursday Island. In the little bays and sheltered anchorages which abound in that locality the shellers had already begun to form head stations, where they lived themselves, and whence they despatched their boats to the neighbouring fishing grounds. A sheller’s fleet might consist of ten or fifteen or perhaps even twenty luggers. These he would fit out at his head station, and send them to sea for a month or six weeks; and at the end of that time they would return with the shell they had obtained, when they remained in port for a few days, and then went out again to the fishing ground with a fresh supply of provisions.

This system worked fairly well for some years when shell was plentiful and divers were not too knowing. The pearls, it is true, all went to the divers as their perquisite, and this was almost recognised by the masters, who sometimes bought their own pearls at a good round discount; but a time came when it became necessary to sail closer to the wind in order to earn profits on the increased capital which was being put into the industry, and so it came about that attendant schooners were sent to sea with the small fleets of luggers. These were called ‘floating stations,’ and thus the owners were able to control their men more effectively, and when the luggers required provisions they had recourse to the mother schooners, or floating stations, from which they could obtain anything they required. This saved much time—the time which used to be spent in port—and it also put an end to the convenient appropriation of pearls by the divers. All shell had to be brought to the ‘mother schooner’ before it was opened, and thus the pearls were arrested before they reached the pockets of the divers. Everything which used to be done on land was now done at sea: the shell was collected, opened, cleaned, packed, and branded all ready for shipment. The ‘mother schooners,’ again, were waited on by tenders which brought them stores and took the packed shell into port. In this way the shelling fleet could remain out on the fishing ground for a long time, and the Thursday Island people who used to nurse the boats when they came into port grumbled greatly at the new system, which scarcely gave them a chance of existence.

Such are the conditions on which this industry is now carried on. There are 247 boats using diving apparatus, and there are nine ‘mother schooners.’ These boats and these schooners represent a considerable amount of capital, a large proportion of which is owned in Brisbane; and besides these there are 114 boats locally owned, which are chiefly engaged in the old primitive system of swimming, diving, or in the preparation of bêche-de-mer. Altogether there are now some 361 boats under licence from the Queensland Government, manned almost exclusively by coloured men who are mostly Asiatics. I have said that at first the shellers, finding that it was impossible to get sufficient white men who would ship in their boats, had recourse to Malays and Manila men, both of whom were found suitable for the purpose.

Then came the Japanese, who appeared to be not only suitable as employees, but who very soon showed that they could not only work for others, but that they could work for themselves. They bought and built boats, and fitted them out, obtaining licences, and winning for themselves a position and a standing which could not be questioned. Would they appropriate the industry? It looked very like it. In numbers they were rapidly increasing, and in co-operative capacity they proved more than a match for the Europeans or the Manila men. Then it was discovered that the Asiatic Japanese is an alien, and it was scarcely to be expected that we could license aliens to take our profitable pearl shell from our territorial waters. And thus it came about that the licensing of boats, which up to that time had been unlimited, was thenceforth restricted to British subjects. It was our undoubted right to put this limitation in force, and it was absolutely necessary, for without it there can be no doubt that the industry would very soon have passed into the hands of the Japanese, just as the northern goldfields would have passed into the hands of the Chinese if we had not found the means of preventing it. And it was necessary not only to restrict the issue of licences to British subjects, but it was also necessary to check what threatened to be a small invasion of Japanese who were arriving not only for employment in the pearl-shell fisheries, but also on the sugar-plantations; and this, fortunately, was easily accomplished by correspondence between the two Governments—for it must be said to the credit of the Japanese Government that they have shown themselves to be most reasonable and considerate in their negotiations with us. It was arranged, accordingly, that immigrant Japanese should be furnished with passports, and that no passports should be issued except on authority from the Queensland Government.

It was thus found possible to adjust the supply to the demand, and to limit it altogether to a standard number to be agreed on. So the matter stands at the present time—or, rather, perhaps I should say stood, until the late legislation of the Commonwealth Parliament, under which the arrangements made by the Queensland Government are partially abrogated, and the treaty engagements entered into have been ignored. I will quote a few figures from the latest authorities at my command. At Thursday Island, which is the centre of action, lying about twenty miles from the mainland of Australia, we have a population of 1,695 souls, the different nationalities being thus apportioned:

Nationality

Number

Nationality

Number

Europeans

705

Pacific Islanders

81

Japanese

304

Cingalese

54

Aboriginals

113

Hindoos

22

Chinese

114

New Guinea natives

29

Philippinos

83

Javanese

7

Malays

55

Other mixed races

128

Thus Europeans still head the list.

Now, I, who am, as I fain to confess, a white Australian in everything which is essential for the existence of a white Australia, am not ashamed of these figures. I should like, it is true, to see a larger proportion of Europeans, and there is no reason to believe that such might not be brought about. But here, in this little community, we have all the essentials which may be regarded as appertaining to a white Australia: we have the same all-pervading British law, applicable to Asian and Australian alike, the same English language, and the same forms of social intercourse which prevail in Southern Australia; our churches and schools are an exact counterpart on a small scale of what they are in Melbourne or in Brisbane.

Passing now to the maritime population, let us see in what proportion the different nationalities are represented:

Nationality

Number

Nationality

Number

Europeans

65

Rotumah men

79

Japanese

619

Samoans

27

Philippinos

237

Aboriginals of Australia

171

Malays

217

Papuans

27

Torres Strait Islanders

279

Miscellaneous

69

Pacific Islanders

242

—making a total of men shipped and employed as crews in the pearl-shell and bêche-de-mer industries of 2,032, and these of course are all single men. Among the Asiatic contingent resident on Thursday Island there are forty-three Japanese women, of whom a few are respectable married women; the rest we may classify as not very respectable, though in their special avocation they are orderly and well behaved.

Of the Philippinos also a few are married women, for it is the custom of the Manila man, when he is sufficiently well off, to order a wife from the conventual schools at Macao. In addition to these there are a few aboriginal women who are married, chiefly to Manila men; and of European women there are 180, with 249 children, who show no special signs of degeneracy from the old stock. Such is a closely approximate statement of our population at Thursday Island.

Here certainly Asia has the best of it, and herein, as I believe, Asia will continue to have the best of it. I scarcely see how it can be that the Asiatic should not outnumber the European; you might prohibit or place difficulties in the employment of Asiatics or of aliens to-morrow—as, indeed, the Commonwealth Parliament has done, or perhaps I should say threatens to do—but whom could you find to take their place? The white man will not ship at 2l. or at 3l. a month, even if he is furnished with everything which he can expect to be supplied with at sea. It may be quite true the occupation is a perfectly healthy one, and that the risks to be encountered are infinitesimally small as compared with the rigours and dangers of our fisher-folk in the north seas. The white men are not to be had who will man the pearling luggers, nor are there white divers who will work with coloured crews. I scarcely know why white men are not attracted by the rich rewards of a diver’s calling, but such is undoubtedly the case.

They are not in the field. There are some who say they will soon come to the front if we give them a chance by shutting out the Asiatic competitor.

Meanwhile the Asiatic, with his employer, the owner of the floating stations and ‘mother schooners,’ is in possession of the field, and it is hardly likely, as it seems to me, that he will be dispossessed. But a new aspect also will come over the whole question by the passing of the Commonwealth restriction legislation. Under that legislation how can the Asiatic find a footing?

To that the pearl sheller, with his floating station and his ‘mother-schooner,’ replies, ‘Nevertheless we shall live. You may drive us from your territorial waters, but we shall find a field for our industry outside your limits on the high seas.’ And there is certainly some prospect that recourse may be had to such an expedient.

The Dutch have lately opened a settlement in Dutch New Guinea, not more than one hundred miles from our western boundary. They are holding out inducements to our pearl shellers to go there, and the pearl shellers say, ‘Why should we not, if we can get better terms for our Asiatic crews? What is to prevent us doing so? We can even fish, just as we have done, on our old fishing ground, and you cannot touch us so long as we keep out of your territorial waters.’ There is no doubt a good deal in this, and it remains to be seen how it will work out. The probability is that the Commonwealth will come to some compromise, by which the pearl-shell fisheries, both on the northern and north-western shores of Australia, will be regarded as maritime industries differentiated in some respects from the question of alien or Asiatic labour as applied to the mainland. There is, I think, a real difference which will have to be recognised.

I have endeavoured to describe the position as regards the Asiatic alien as applied to Thursday Island. At Port Darwin and in Western Australia the same principles and the same practices hold good. In the Northern Territory there are not many Malays or Japanese, though there are a good many Chinese—some 2,567, according to the last returns. In Western Australia their pearl-shelling fleets are recruited from Java and Singapore. There, too, it is a limited maritime enterprise which is not likely to be seriously interfered with by the new legislation. Before I leave this branch of my subject, however, I will mention what the Queensland Government have lately done in connection with the pearl-shell fishery in Torres Strait.

They have made pretty extensive water reserves in the neighbourhood of Thursday Island, and they have instructed their officers not to issue any new licences.

Both these provisions have, of course, had the effect of considerably limiting the operations of those engaged in the industry. They have a tendency, also, in the direction of creating a monopoly as regards the present holders of licences. I must confess that they do not very much commend themselves to my judgment. Here is an industry which during the thirty-three years it has been in existence has resulted in the production of shell, bêche-de-mer, and tortoiseshell which has realised, according to my estimate, something like 5,000,000l. in the London and Eastern markets. Can nothing better be done for it than to impose all those restrictions with the intention, as it is said, of saving it from impending destruction? The specific cure for the malady, it seems to me, would be to persevere in the excellent endeavours which have already been made to ascertain the best methods of cultivating the shell among the reefs and breeding channels where at one time it was so abundant. This will certainly be accomplished someday, and the sooner the better, even if it costs a large sum of money by way of experiment. The Government, indeed, got as far as the appointment of a scientific expert for this purpose, but there the matter has ended in the meantime—ad futurum tempus relegatum est, like many of our grand schemes, and we must wait for some other solution of the great Asiatic question in connection with Torres Strait. According to my reading of the signs of the times, this question of Asia and Australia is one of the great questions of the present and of the future for Australia. I am quite as conscious as many other people are that the vast area of Northern Australia cannot be peopled by Europeans alone, as the shores of Southern Australia are peopled, yet I am perfectly satisfied that the people of the southern States of Australia will do their level best to maintain the integrity of their present institutions, and the existence of what is called a ‘white Australia.’ It is not a question of the labour party alone, as some people think: it is the conviction and determination, as I believe, of nine-tenths of the present people of Australia. It is vain to say that the forces of Nature are against us: ‘Dii me terrent et Jupiter hostis.’ It is not the first time we have fought with the forces of Nature—and even if it comes to the worst, we must have time to learn our lessons.

The Commonwealth of Australia has already undertaken the white man’s burden in accepting the responsibilities of the government of New Guinea. That is no light matter. It almost follows that it will have to undertake the responsibility of governing the Northern Territory of both South and Western Australia. It will have to make railways both to Western Australia and to North Australia, and then, but not till then, the difficulties and responsibilities of providing for the government of the northern Tropical States of Australia will begin to be realised. May I presume to add that, in the meantime, I am certain that the people of England will be patient with us? We shall have a number of most difficult problems to solve, and we cannot solve them all at once. The shaping of our own destiny has been confided to us, and I do not doubt that we shall be led on step by step to make a proper use of the great privileges which we inherit from those who have gone before us.

It must always be remembered that sub-tropical Australia, the Australia of the southern Australian States—of Southern Queensland, of New South Wales and Victoria—will never consent, come what may, if I am any judge of public opinion, to the systematic introduction of coloured labour into northern Australia. They value their inheritance too highly to justify any such expectation. It may be pride, it may be prejudice, but I believe it is a passionate conviction with the present inhabitants of Australia that the unexplored and uninhabited portions of their country shall be reserved for their own use, even though they are included in the zone of the Tropics; and when I say their own use I mean, of course, that they would desire that such territory should be occupied as Australia has hitherto been occupied—by men and women of their own kith and kin—and that the introduction of Eastern races must be subject to such limitations as they may please to impose.