Nomination day for the East Moreton election - October 1871

Brisbane Courier, Monday, 30 October 1871, p. 5.

The nomination for East Moreton took place at the Police Court, at noon, on Saturday. There was a large assemblage, and a good deal of interest was manifested in the proceedings.

The RETURNING-OFFICER (Mr. J. Petrie) having read the writ, called for the nomination of candidates.

Mr. LILLEY then came forward amid cheers, and said that it was usual for the first candidate in the field, and the senior politician, to have his nomination made first, but it was not their fault that Mr. Douglas was not proposed first on this occasion. Mr. Douglas had some feelings on the matter which Mr. Hemmant conceded to, and it was at his (Mr. Douglas') request that the nomination of Mr. Hemmant was made first. (Applause.)

In nominating that gentleman he (Mr. Lilley) might say that he was sorry that the contest on this occasion should be between two Liberals—(hear, hear)—but it could not be helped, because one Liberal was firm and uncompromising in his principles, and the other had in his addresses presented to the electors a somewhat lukewarm state of feeling, which he (Mr. Lilley) thought thoroughly justified him in proposing another candidate against that gentleman. (Applause.)

He had now to propose a gentleman who was well known amongst the people for several years, and who had taken an active interest in politics on the Liberal side for some months, and he believed that he was prepared to take such a course of action as would meet with the entire approval of the people of East Moreton. (Hear, hear.)

He (Mr. Lilley) thought that it would be an unfortunate thing if they sent his friend Mr. Douglas into the House at this time, because he knew well enough that if that gentleman pledged himself to any course he would fight it out to the last. But when he told them fairly and honestly that his feelings were not the same as theirs—that he was not so warm-hearted in the struggle as they were—that he was not prepared to go the lengths that they were in carrying out the policy which they deemed to be essential at the present moment, he (Mr. Lilley) thought they could not send him in because he was not up to the standard which the people required. (Applause.)

The effect of sending in Mr. Douglas would be this: instead of sending in a person who would fight to the last for those principles which the people demanded, they would send in an arbitrator whose vote, however conscientiously given, might be against the people, and thus disfranchise the electorate of East Moreton.

It would be entirely idle for Mr. Atkin to vote on one side, if Mr. Douglas voted on the other; and therefore the electors should return a member who would vote with his colleague, fight with him, and support the same principles and interests. (Applause.)

The loss of one vote from the Opposition was as good as two to the Ministerial side; that vote would neutralize another, which would give the Ministry what would be equal to four votes, and that would increase their present majority to nine. It was clear that the electors could not afford to allow this, and it was for them to say if they would place Mr. Douglas in such a dangerous position—trusting entirely to his judgment—a position which might result in the disfranchisement of the electorate.

They wanted a man who would work earnestly in the Opposition ranks, and he therefore proposed Mr. William Hemmant as a fit and proper person to represent the electorate of East Moreton. (Cheers.)

Mr. H. H. PAYNE seconded the nomination.

Mr. J. W. STRACHAN proposed Mr. John Douglas as a fit and proper person to represent the constituency. (Groans.) He said that Mr. Douglas came before the electors as a staunch liberal. (Interruption.) It had been asserted by some people that Mr. Douglas would not promise to do exactly what he was prepared to do. (Interruption.) As far as he was aware, Mr. Douglas had not given any reason to suppose that he was going to desert the Liberal cause. He had devoted his energies to the best interests of the colony—(interruption)—and, judging by his previous conduct, he thought he was worthy to represent the electorate in Parliament. (Confusion.)

Mr. ROBERT ARMOUR seconded the nomination, amid groans.

Mr. HEMMANT, on coming forward, was received with cheers. He said that the present was one of the most important crises which had ever occurred in the history of the colony. (Applause.) They had been fighting the battle against the monopolist class for the last six months, and the people were all aware of the great efforts which had been made by the Opposition to obtain for them their just rights.

It would therefore be suicidal for them to allow any foreign element to find its way in the ranks of the Opposition, and the electors would stultify themselves and disfranchise the electorate if they returned any other than a man who was prepared to give the Opposition a cordial, hearty, and loyal support. (Applause.)

He had the pleasure, at a meeting held in the Town Hall some months ago, to propose that it was the duty of the Opposition to stop the business of the country until the demands of the people were granted, and it could not therefore be said that he now advocated the policy of the Opposition merely for the purpose of obtaining votes. He had given the Opposition consistent support, and done all in his power to assist them.

If Great Britain and other countries in which there was Responsible Government found it necessary to have parties well defined, and that each member must be a follower of such men as Mr. Disraeli or Mr. Gladstone, how much more was it necessary in a colony like this, where the number of members was small, that the electors should know how their member was going to act?

He did not say that it was necessary for him to pledge himself on minor points, nor would the leader of the Opposition nor the Opposition wish it, but on the great principles of the Liberal party he should give a distinct pledge to support that policy. Otherwise, as was stated by Mr. Lilley, the inevitable result would be that it would be thought the East Moreton electors had changed their minds, that they had reconsidered the political situation, and were inclined for lukewarm measures.

With regard to the late elections, he contended that they proved that the colony was not adequately represented, and until the anomalies which existed were redressed it was useless to hope for any beneficial legislation.

There was no reason why sheep and cattle should monopolise the representation of the country any longer. There was no peculiar speciality in that class of property which entitled it to an undue amount of consideration, and, even if they took property as the basis of representation of the squatting electorates, they were represented far beyond any claim they could make in that respect.

He was not betraying any secret of the Opposition when he said that it had been decided on the present occasion that the battle should be on the question of additional representation—(applause)—and if the Government would not grant additional representation in proportion to the population of the different districts of the colony, it would be the duty of the Opposition to stop supply—(applause); and if returned, he would do all in his power to assist them in that laudable object. (Applause.)

Second to the question of additional representation was that of immigration. By immigration he did not mean the introduction of Polynesians, but he contended that if ever Queensland was to become the great country they expected it would be at no distant day, it could only be by the introduction of large numbers of European immigrants to our shores.

Something like a quarter of a million souls were leaving the old country every year; they had not to create a stream of immigration from Great Britain, but only to divert some of it to these shores. To do this it was absolutely necessary that they should have a gentleman at home who would point out the numerous advantages which Queensland presents to the intending emigrant.

On the question of lecturing, he thought his opponent on the present occasion had not been disposed to lay sufficient stress on the importance of that matter. It was all very well to say the immigration was a matter of business, but there was a very prevalent notion at home, amongst a great number of people, that if they went to an emigration office for information they would be met by clerks of the "haw-haw" stamp who would give them no satisfaction, and the consequence was that many were discouraged.

Besides this, the great ignorance which prevailed in some of the agricultural districts respecting Queensland rendered the services of an efficient lecturer indispensable.

They had a gentleman at home now—Mr. Archer—and perhaps feelings of delicacy would restrain his (Mr. Hemmant's) opponent from referring to that gentleman, but no such feelings would affect him (Mr. H.), and he would therefore say what he thought of him.

When the Immigration Bill was before the House in committee Mr. Archer said he would have the provision for an Agent-General struck out altogether, because the colony could not afford it, and it was perfectly unnecessary; and yet this member of the honest party, the gentleman with a stake in the country, with a history, had undertaken to discharge the very duties which he said were unnecessary!

In addition to this, Mr. Archer was agent for the Separation Committee at Rockhampton, and he had written to his constituents at Rockhampton, stating that he was merely holding the office of Emigration Agent until it was convenient for the petition to be sent to the Governor to be reported upon, and when it was returned he would advocate the cause of Separation.

He maintained that if there was no other charge against the Palmer Ministry than this appointment it was sufficient to condemn them.

Mr. Archer, in his addresses, said first that Queensland was in favor of Polynesians, and second that they wanted young men of capital. Now with regard to young men of capital, it was well known that a good many of them had come to the colony, and with what result?

These gentlemen fell into the hands of some friend who had "a nice station," which happened to be infested with native dogs and overrun with Bathurst burr, and the young man with capital was induced to take up the station. In the course of a few months or years perhaps, his money was gone and he had to apply to his friends at home for remittances.

In the same way it would, no doubt, be very advantageous for certain persons to get young men of capital to invest in sugar-growing in places where it had not proved quite so prosperous a little game as their proprietors hoped it would.

With regard to Polynesians, it was said by Mr. Douglas that he would not prevent them from coming if they chose; but the fact was they did not come, they were brought,—and how they were brought the records of the Supreme Court would soon tell.

How disadvantageous they were to the colony must be patent to everyone. Supposing the country paid £15 per head for every white man introduced into it, the annual interest on that would be eighteen shillings, and as every white man was a contributor to the Customs £3 per year, it was very easy to see that by such a system the colony would make a very profitable bargain.

The introduction of immigrants would also be striking a death blow at the monopolist class who had too long ruled the destinies of the country. (Applause.)

He would now say a few words on the question of railways and public works. So soon as a suitable stream of immigration was set in motion reproductive public works should be proceeded with, because, although the ultimate settlement of these people on the land was the great object in view, it would be of great advantage for them to be able to work for wages for a time.

With respect to the Brisbane and Ipswich Railway he would prove when the proper time came that they could not afford to go without it any longer. He would ask, if this line belonged to a private company would it be allowed to remain in its present unfinished state? Certainly not.

It would be carried to the centres of population, for it was people who would make railways profitable. A great deal had been said about the introduction of capital, but experience had shown that most people who had brought capital to the colony lost it in one way or another, and that the most prosperous were those who commenced with a few shillings or pounds.

There was now in the banks of the colony one million and a-half of money, one million of which was receiving interest, and the depositors of the remaining half million did not receive one shilling interest. This clearly showed that confidence, and not capital, was all that was necessary to advance the colony.

And what had the Government done to establish confidence? He would tell them. Mr. Joshua Peter Bell, when addressing his constituents at Dalby, stated that it was the intention of the Government to remove the capital. They were told by the leading journal to treat this as a joke, but he contended that it should be seriously considered, for capitals had been removed before, and the present party in power might carry out their threat to spite the people of this part of the colony.

When Mr. Bell made the statement it must be assumed that he knew what he was saying; and did the antecedents of that gentleman show that he would hesitate to do anything calculated to injure the colony?

They all knew that the present unfinished state of the Brisbane Bridge was entirely attributable to Mr. Bell, who insisted on the opening for the swing bridge being widened in order to allow sea-going vessels to go to Ipswich! (Laughter.) This was sufficient to show that he was actuated by improper feelings towards the inhabitants of this part of the colony.

There were things especially connected with East Moreton to which, if elected, he would devote his serious attention. The first was the establishment of an agricultural college, where the sons of farmers could receive a suitable scientific education.

He had been objected to by some parties because he was not a farmer, but he would like those who objected to him on that ground to show how the farmers could be benefited without their prosperity extending to him. When they were prosperous they could afford to spend more money in clothing, and he hoped to always get a share.

He pointed out the present advantageous state of the English money market for negotiating a loan for public works, and commented on the advantages which would arise from the construction of the Brisbane and Ipswich Railway, if it had no other effect than to create a feeling of harmony between the people of East and West Moreton, whose interests were identical in every respect.

He was not in favor of an export duty on wool, but he thought the squatters did not contribute a fair amount to the revenue, and he would therefore increase the assessment on their runs considerably, and this would stimulate the owners to grow artificial grasses, and to otherwise improve their property so as to largely increase their flocks in order to meet the extra charge.

There was only one other matter that he had not referred to, and that was the payment of members. It was evident from the result of the recent elections that the representation of the outside districts was limited to the wealthy class, and that instead of the Assembly being a reflex of the feelings of the people, it was composed simply of gentlemen who could afford time and money to attend Parliament.

It could not be expected that men without means would sacrifice their time and money, and to remedy this they must have payment of members. He had known on several occasions gentlemen refuse to advocate this principle because it might be said that they were actuated by personal motives; but he thought he was sufficiently well known for the people to believe that such a thing would be no object to him, and he did not feel the least hesitation in advocating it.

He thought he had now touched upon every topic of importance likely to come before the House, and after Mr. Douglas had addressed the meeting he (Mr. H.) would be happy to answer any questions. He would only say, in conclusion, that he was not actuated by any selfish motives on the present occasion, and that he would be perfectly satisfied if the country became prosperous, because he was certain to share in its prosperity. (Cheers.)

Mr. DOUGLAS, on coming forward, was well received. He said he was very glad to meet his fellow electors of East Moreton again after an absence of some two years. On the last occasion on which he stood there as a candidate for their suffrages he had the distinguished honor of having the opposition of the Hon. Arthur Macalister, and on the present occasion he had the still higher honor of having the distinguished opposition of his old friend, the Hon. Chas. Lilley. (Cheers and groans.)

When he began to think of this it had struck him that there must be something peculiar in him (Mr. Douglas) that brought out this opposition on the part of men so celebrated and so associated with the public events of this colony as the Hon. A. Macalister and the Hon. Chas. Lilley had been. (Interruption.)

However, he congratulated his friend, Mr. Lilley, on having on the present occasion brought out in opposition to him (Mr. Douglas) the best candidate for East Moreton that he had ever yet heard. (Cheers.) If Mr. Hemmant was elected he (Mr. Douglas) would congratulate them on having obtained an accession to the Legislative Assembly that would not be despised. (Cheers.)

Mr. Hemmant had expressed himself so clearly and with such remarkable facility on the various topics that at present agitated the public mind, that he (Mr. Douglas) was quite confident that, either now or at some future day, Mr. Hemmant would succeed in doing himself credit in the House. (Applause.)

If he (Mr. Douglas) was not elected he was well satisfied that Mr. Hemmant was a man who would give free, full, and polished utterance to his expression of opinions that would do both honor and justice to the constituency. (Cheers, and a voice: "Blamey.")

Well, now, he heard a whisper of blame, but he would ask was not his old friend Charles Lilley as good a hand at blame as any man he knew (disapprobation and laughter), and small blame to him.

However, he would now proceed to say a few words to them upon the leading principles he had ever held, which he now held, and which, if elected to Parliament, he doubted not he would continue to hold. (Cheers.)

He would first say a few words upon that important question of Separation, a subject most vital to the interests of the colony, and he was glad to have an opportunity of telling them that not only in this colony, but also at the Colonial-office in England, the subject was being seriously considered.

He would oppose Separation with all the powers at his command at the present time; first, because there had not been a sufficiently unanimous expression of opinion upon the subject in the Northern districts, and secondly, because he thought it was out of the question to contemplate it at a time when they were justified in contemplating the federation of the colonies. (Cheers.)

Yes, that was another subject which the public men of England were attaching more interest to and were more desirous of obtaining for the colonists than the people of these colonies were themselves. (Applause.)

He could assure them that the leading statesmen of England evinced a greater anxiety upon this subject than was evinced by the people throughout the colonies themselves, and it would be his object if the occasion arose, and if allowed by them, to further that feeling with whatever ability he possessed.

Now with regard to the question of representation. He would like to come to a clear understanding with them upon this subject. This he understood was to be the question of the session—the question upon which the Opposition were prepared to nail their colors.

He also was prepared to take his stand absolutely upon that ground as the most pressing question they had to deal with. (Hear, hear.)

He yielded to none of the Opposition, or to any member of the House, in the earnestness with which he was prepared to deal with that question. (Cheers.)

The public men of this colony had been only playing with the question for the last four years. He believed none of them had come up to the scratch with regard to it (hear, hear), and if he (Mr. Douglas) had had his way years ago they would not be now without additional members to represent their interests.

However, he had only filled subordinate positions in administrations, and it was not probable that he would now fill any post in any administration. (A Voice: "You want one.")

He distinctly told them that as he was a gentleman, as he was a man of honor fit to be trusted—what was better, as he was an honest man, whom they had now before them for fifteen years—that he would have no office until that question of representation was settled as was required by the exigencies of the country. (Cheers.)

He had been spoken of as a candidate for the Speakership. They knew how long he had been in office. He had not yet been the two years in that position which qualified him to obtain that title of honorable which his friend Mr. Lilley and his other colleagues now enjoyed.

The battle during this session, in his opinion, would be fought in committee. He believed a bill for additional representation would be brought in that would not be wholly unacceptable. He had seen bills for redistribution himself that he would have voted for, and which could be amended in committee to what was required.

He thought the same would occur again. Not a man of them was more opposed to the government of Mr. Palmer than he (Mr. Douglas), and if a motion of want of confidence was possible he would vote for it. (Cheers, and a Voice: "You would like a billet.")

Yes, the battle of the session would be fought on the question of redistribution, and upon the manner in which that was dealt with in committee, and for that reason he would feel that he was dishonoring himself and disfranchising the constituency by accepting any position, however high it might be. (Cheers.)

He was well conscious of the value of his vote if he was lucky enough to succeed in being elected. (A Voice: "Never.") That it would throw a considerable amount of numerical weight and influence on either side. However, upon that question he came before them now with the full determination to work it out without any purpose of his personal aggrandisement.

He now gave them a distinct pledge to that effect. (A Voice: "You had a right to do so before.")

Well, now he had never played false with any electorate he had had to deal with. He had told them, upon the last occasion on which he appeared before them, that if he was offered the position of Agent-General he would accept it.

He had given them his views upon the Polynesian question, and such as they were, they knew they had not met with the concurrence of the Legislative Assembly in past times. (Hear, hear.)

With regard to this question, they understood his opinions. Being entrusted with a high position in England, and forced to be very careful what he said, yet he felt that this question was seriously damaging them.

The Act, which had brought disgrace upon their name, whether justly or unjustly, was not passed with his (Mr. Douglas') assistance or consent (cheers), and he was then, however, left in a small minority of two. (Cheers.)

He had always supported European immigration, and although a certain amount of disapprobation had been expressed that he did not take upon himself the duty of lecturing in England, he would inform them that there was any amount of those people perfectly willing to come here, people who had not much money in their pockets.

He had thousands of applications from this class of people which he had to refuse because they did not come up to the standard which their Act required.

He was also left without any funds, and he was not authorised to draw upon the colony for any money. Then however competent he might have been to undertake those duties it would not have redounded to their credit for him to announce inducements which he was unable to thoroughly carry out in practice. (Hear, hear.)

He fancied that in reality his opinions and those of Mr. Hemmant ran pretty much the same. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Douglas) did not see any material difference in them. He had professed liberal opinions equal to them for many years.

Just let him revert to the reason which had justified his friend Mr. Lilley in bringing forward Mr. Hemmant on this occasion.

Mr. Lilley said that he (Mr. Douglas) was not possessed of that fervid disposition he considered desirable. He said he wanted a man who was very much in earnest, who would be "as hot as fire, consuming every evil principle which he found before him." (Cheers and laughter.)

Now this was a very alarming character indeed. He would ask, did Mr. Hemmant look like a man who would crush and annihilate everything before him? (A voice: "You look more like it yourself.")

He (Mr. Douglas) confessed that he did not think they stood in need of any such man, but he would tell them what he did think they required.

They required a man with a clear head and good understanding, and with a true, sound heart in the cause, and that he (Mr. Douglas) thought he possessed. He believed also that he had a clear perception of how to bring about these results which they desired. (A voice: "Oh, that will do.")

He said that Mr. Lilley stated that he (Mr. Douglas) was not possessed of those qualities. Well, he (Mr. Douglas) had a right to say that, as judging between Mr. Lilley and himself, he had a right to say that he possessed them as much as Mr. Lilley did. (Hear, hear; and No, no.)

(A Voice: "What about the railway question?")

Well, upon that question he held exactly the same opinions as the Opposition appeared to hold. He (Mr. Douglas) had told them that he believed the only road to the railway was through additional representation. That was also the text of the Opposition, and that was the text which he was prepared to abide by.

He would take no short cuts which would only prove fallacious. He claimed to possess intelligence and foresight as clear at any rate as any member of the Opposition. He was justified in thinking so, because he found in the past that men upon whom he had placed reliance were not so clear upon points of public policy as he (Mr. Douglas) thought they should have been. (A Voice: "Don't pledge yourself to too much.")

He had a right to say this, because he was told that he would be false to his principles; and he replied to them that he had never been false in the past, and they had no reason to believe that he would be false in the future. (Cheers.)

He had had to fight some tough battles in his time for the people. He did not know whether they remembered that it fell to his lot that he, and he alone, had to stand up to expose the dummies of the Darling Downs. (Cheers.)

Upon that occasion Mr. Lilley might have held out his hand to him, but that hand was never held out, and he (Mr. Douglas) was left in a minority of one. (Cheers, and a Voice: "You will have to answer that, Charley.")

He was forced to speak of these things because he had been aspersed, and they threw upon him the proof of his integrity.

Again he said, upon the most important occasion in the politics of this country, regarding the adoption of the two-thirds clause, Mr. Lilley was not so clear as he (Mr. Douglas) would have expected him to have been.

Mr. Lilley was appointed to consolidate the statutes of the colony; there was till then a doubt whether this two-thirds clause was a part of our Constitution, and it was not until after the consolidation of the statutes that this clause was irretrievably fastened upon us. (Cheers.)

He spoke of the conduct of Mr. Lilley upon that occasion, so that if they compared him with him (Mr. Douglas) upon some of these important questions he thought they would allow he had a right to claim as much consideration at their hands as Mr. Lilley.

With regard to the Brisbane and Ipswich Railway, he had told them that his views coincided with those of the Opposition. He would heartily support the extension of the railway to Brisbane, and the extension from Westwood to the Dawson, whenever the Additional Members Bill had been passed.

One day afterwards if they liked, but not before. Their right to a railway had been deferred long enough, and if it rested with him it would be deferred no longer.

Now he had spoken possibly hard words about Mr. Lilley. He had a great personal regard for that gentleman, as no doubt Mr. Lilley had for him, but he was not blind to that gentleman's defects, and when Mr. Lilley came here to tell them that he (Mr. Douglas) was not fit to be trusted, he simply claimed the right of saying that, judging between them, he considered that he had at least as much right to be trusted as Mr. Lilley. (Hear, hear.)

He did not think he had very much more to say; but, however, he would just simply say this:

Could any person point out a single act of his past public life; one object in which he had prejudiced the interests of the Liberal party in the colony; one in which he had prejudiced the interests of this city? (Cheers.)

Would honest George Edmondstone, whom he saw present, one of the most consistent liberal voters in the House—(cheers)—would he tell them that he (Mr. Douglas) had ever flinched from recording his vote upon the right side?

These were the days of wonderful conversions, and he hoped even yet to make a few converts among them.

Now, if they believed these things, and he believed that they not only believed them but that they knew them in their hearts; if they thought there was any value to be placed upon some years of service to the country, then he said he had a right to believe that he could depend upon their suffrages.

If they did not believe him let them cast him off as not fit to be trusted; commit him to obscurity, to political extinction, if they would, but if they did they must take upon themselves the responsibility, and he with great cheerfulness would accept their verdict. (Cheers.)

There being no questions asked of either of the candidates, the RETURNING-OFFICER called for a show of hands, which was declared to be in favor of Mr. Hemmant.

Mr. DOUGLAS demanded a poll, which was announced to take place at the various polling-places throughout the electorate on Saturday next.

Mr. LILLEY, in moving a vote of thanks to the Returning-Officer, replied at some length to the remarks made by Mr. Douglas concerning him.

Mr. HEMMANT had much pleasure in seconding this motion, and he could only express a hope that the contest would be fought out with the same good humor as had characterised the proceedings up to this time. (Mr. DOUGLAS: Hear, hear.)

The motion was put and passed, and the proceedings then terminated.

An editorial on Douglas's speech to the East Moreton electorate - October 1871

Colonist (Brisbane), Wednesday, 25 October 1871, p. 2.

THE EAST MORETON ELECTION.

THE electors of the most populous and important constituency in the colony will be called on in a few days to choose a representative in the Legislative Assembly. Two candidates have announced their intention of contesting the seat—Mr. John Douglas, our late Agent-General, and Mr. William Hemmant, a prominent citizen of Brisbane. With the principles and professions of these gentlemen we now purpose to deal.

Mr. Douglas, who long occupied a prominent position as a liberal politician, has just returned to the colony after an absence of two years. During that period great changes have taken place in the political world. Against the old system of making things pleasant all round, and shirking necessary and liberal legislation—the consequence of the system of coalitions which Mr. Macalister instituted—the people have rebelled. The Squatting party having gained the control of the Liberal constituencies of Ipswich and West Moreton by the skilful manipulation of the Railway question, have acquired a preponderating influence in Parliament. That influence has been greatly increased by the treachery of two of the leading liberal members, who openly abandoned their principles for the emoluments of office.

The arbitrary and unconstitutional conduct of the present Ministry last session, the hollowness of their promised reforms, which proved mere legislative shams—introduced by name into the Governor's Speech to tickle the ears of the expectant public,—all these things combined compelled the Liberal members to make a bold stand in defence of the liberties of the people.

Too weak to carry on the Government, an unconstitutional dissolution of Parliament was easily obtained from the Acting-Governor by Mr. Palmer. The result still further strengthened his position. Two squatting electorates, whose united population might amount to 1,500 souls, fell into his hands. The leading members of the Opposition were all returned, chiefly without opposition, and the great bulk of the population outside of the purely squatting constituencies, supported the stand they had made against class monopoly and encroachments.

The present position of affairs then is this. On the one side we find for the first time in our history, a purely Squatting Ministry supported by a purely Squatting party. On the other, we have the popular members representing the wishes and the rights of the great majority of the people of Queensland, and pledged to resist to the uttermost the inroads of their opponents and to claim a fair measure of justice for the bulk of the colonists.

The electorate of East Moreton, with its 18,000 inhabitants, has just lost one of its representatives, who had, only a few months back, been unanimously returned to continue the good fight he had so cordially entered upon the preceding session—Mr. John Douglas comes forward to supply his place. Were Mr. Douglas' feelings in accord with the majority of the people of East Moreton, no one could for a moment deny his personal fitness to represent the constituency. Judging, however, from his speech to the electors on Monday night, he seems not to have grasped a correct idea of the present political situation.

We at once put aside all the rumours of his wishing to take office with Mr. Palmer, or to fill the Speaker's chair. We have his assertion that he desired neither of these things, and Mr. Douglas is probably the last man in the colony to do a dishonourable action. But, in the opinion of all who heard his speech on Monday night and who read it on Tuesday morning, he put himself out of court before he had uttered a dozen sentences, by declaring that he did not feel anything like the fervour with regard to the pending political struggle which he understood was entertained in the district.

It really seemed like mocking the electors, it certainly was a disparagement of their consistency, to suppose that they would return a representative who looked coldly on their past exertions, and felt little sympathy with the struggles of their representatives on their behalf. And what is it that Mr. Douglas expects? In the midst of the bitterest party struggle we have yet known; in the midst of a political excitement that has stirred men's blood from one end of the colony to the other; in the midst of the great conflict of the people against class monopoly, he asks the first constituency in Queensland to reverse its deliberate verdict given only twelve weeks ago, by returning him as an independent member to succeed a staunch Oppositionist.

We admit the liberality and the soundness of most of the principles Mr. Douglas declared himself prepared to support, and we place perfect faith in his promises. His speech delivered at any other time than the present, would probably have satisfied the electors, and the position he assumed would not have imperilled his election. But he asks the people now to recede from the position they have taken up. He asks them to return him to Parliament to sit between two parties engaged in a struggle, which must be fought out to the bitter end. Admitting that he would be found, as heretofore, on the side of the people, his position is simply untenable. The present session will be one of grave importance to the people of Queensland. Much of their future depends upon the firmness and unity of the popular members. But those members must give forth no uncertain sound, when they assume the responsibility of fighting in the popular ranks, and when the success of the popular cause depends above all, upon electors, as well as elected, acting consistently, and shewing a bold unbroken front to the common enemy.

We confess to a feeling of disappointment at Mr. Douglas' apparent want of sympathy with the late Opposition. The leading principles of their policy he surely might have supported, and consequently he need not have refused to pledge himself to support them in the coming struggle; and in doing so, no sacrifice of independence was required of him. By his absence from the colony he has evidently lost the gauge of the popular feeling, and his remarks about Mr. Palmer shewed this all the more plainly. Notwithstanding his service to the public, Mr. Douglas can hardly expect to be elected free from a pledge to support the party to which his predecessor belonged. His refusal to give that pledge will, we feel certain, cause his rejection on the present occasion.

His opponent, Mr. Hemmant, has taken an active and intelligent share in politics on the Liberal side. He is well known to the electors generally as a resident of East Moreton and a partner in a large business house in the city. The support he is receiving against a popular and veteran politician, from so large a portion of the electors and from the leaders of the party he belongs to, is not only owing to his own merits but to his resolute declaration of fidelity to the popular party.

John Douglas addressing the electors at East Moreton - October 1871

Colonist (Brisbane), Wednesday, 25 October 1871, p. 3.

sections of the supplied six-page PDF; the subsequent Ipswich racing report is a separate article.

THE Victoria Hall was crowded in every part last Monday evening upon the occasion of Mr. John Douglas addressing the electors of East Moreton as a candidate for their suffrages. The Mayor occupied the chair.

Mr. Douglas, who was well received, after a brief allusion to the political feeling which he had been given to understand since his return from England was running very high in Brisbane, and which he hardly shared in, said he did not come before the electors as a party man. He did not wish to identify himself with any party. The late important political events which had occurred during his absence from the colony he had had no opportunity of entering into, nor did he feel disposed to do so now. His object and present desire was to explain to the electors of East Moreton his views and opinions upon the leading principles connected with their politics, and having upon previous occasions been favoured with their support, he trusted that no change had since taken place in those opinions which would lead the electors to withhold from him now their confidence.

He wished to explain his present position as to political parties, because he was well aware that such explanation would be expected from him, and would have a very decided effect upon the electors. Shortly after issuing his address one of the electors meeting him insisted upon being told whether he (Mr. Douglas) would pledge himself not to take office under Mr. Palmer. He considered this a rather unusual pledge to endeavour to extract from him, and as he was not in the habit of giving pledges extracted in what might be termed a menacing manner, he declined to do so.

It struck him at the time as a singular thing this elector should suppose that Mr. Palmer would ask him to accept office, as that gentleman and himself had never upon any important occasion sat together on the same side of the House. Personally, he had great respect for Mr. Palmer, and admired many traits in his character; and he (Mr. Douglas) did not come there to say anything against him.

When he (Mr. Douglas) left the colony, Mr. Macalister was the leader of an influential political party in the House; and he regretted much, upon his return, to find that gentleman in his present position. He regretted it as much for his (Mr. Macalister's) own sake, as for the blow struck by him against the morale of Queensland politics. Nothing in his opinion could be more fatal to the best interests of the colony than the people feeling they could no longer trust the men who were the recognised leaders of political parties.

Another elector had chosen to consider that he (Mr. Douglas) had it in contemplation to accept, if offered to him, the Speakership. He confessed that the position had some attractions for him, but he did not think the electors of East Moreton would be content to spare their representative for that high office.

With respect to his having, upon a former occasion, vacated his seat in the Assembly to take office and go into the Upper House, he explained that it was either through the exigencies of the party with whom he was connected, or because it was presumed that he might possibly exercise a beneficial influence in accepting office.

Upon the last occasion when he had taken this course, under Mr. Lilley's administration, it was with the understanding that he was to be appointed Agent-General for Emigration, which office Mr. Lilley was extremely anxious he should take. In so doing, he could not be accused of sacrificing the interests of his constituents, for he had told the electors of East Moreton, when previously questioned on the subject, that if he could take such office with the sanction of the Government and the concurrence of Parliament he would do so, as he considered the position of the highest importance.

Should he be again elected for East Moreton he would not retire from the Assembly under any similar reasons as had previously caused him to do so. He intended if elected to act as an independent member, free from any defined connection with either party in the House, but firmly resolved to support those who brought forward measures which he considered of vital importance to the colony.

After alluding at some length to the question of Separation, and explaining his views thereon, (stating that if the capital was to be changed he infinitely preferred Toowoomba to Gladstone), he came to the question of Representation. This he considered the most important subject for the consideration of the next parliament, upon whose decision respecting it the future policy of the colony would mainly depend, and he thought it would be impossible to proceed with any other business until this question had been decided.

In his opinion the people were really not half sufficiently represented, and he considered that during the past two years Parliament had only been trifling with the question and had not taken it up in earnest to do justice to the people.

Mr. Lilley's Government he considered greatly deserving of blame in not firmly insisting upon and standing by their Additional Members Bill, even appealing to the country if necessary on the two-thirds clause, to which he was opposed. He thought Mr. Bell entitled to much credit for the support he gave when the successful effort was lately made to repeal that obnoxious clause which was the great obstacle in the way of obtaining increased representation.

That important reform which was so much needed, would now afford Mr. Palmer an admirable opportunity of displaying his ability and statesmanship. He hardly believed that Mr. Palmer, through prejudice, could not be brought to view the necessity of dealing with this important question in a broad and statesmanlike manner; and if he now rose to the occasion and did so, whether by bringing in an Additional Members Bill, or Redistribution of Seats Bill, he (Mr. Douglas) would support him to the back bone.

A redistribution of seats would be attended with great difficulties; it was very likely, therefore, that they might only be able to secure the rough justice of a measure for additional representation. This would be better than nothing, or running the risk of rejection of a redistribution of Seats Bill.

The true basis of representation was population, and he believed in no other. It was the number of its inhabitants which constituted the real value of the colony, and enabled it to command influence abroad. He had been informed that the census recently taken, showed the population of East Moreton to be 18,000. Estimating the colony at 120,000, the district he sought the honour of representing contained about one-seventh of the entire population, and was entitled to be represented in proportion to the number of people residing in it.

The principles he had enunciated were universally regarded as sound and good. In America, as well as in the mother country, such principles were upheld by statesmen, and he saw no reason why they should not prevail also in this colony. At the Conference lately held at Melbourne, the worth and weight of each colony was measured in proportion to its population, and he was glad to see the principle recognised and adopted as the basis of the decisions arrived at.

As regarded this question, if Mr. Palmer would only rise to the occasion and shake himself free from any ties of party, he had it in his power to lay the foundation of a reputation never yet attained by any public man in the colony.

Mr. Douglas next dealt with the Polynesian Labour question. He was opposed to the present system, which he believed was seriously injuring the colony. At first only himself and Dr. Challinor were found to oppose it, and the measure passed mainly in consequence of the strong feeling in favour of it. That had now altered.

As the representative at home of the colony he had been placed in a very awkward position as regarded this question. He felt that the colony was only tampering with a dangerous commodity, and there was no doubt whatever on his mind that, in connection with the Fiji Islands at least, a good deal of kidnapping had been carried on. This was well known in England, where conclusive proof had been obtained that some Queensland vessels had engaged in this nefarious trade.

He desired to see the Polynesian Act repealed, due regard being shown to those Islanders who had entered the colony under its protection.

He was opposed to making any laws for the importation of Coolies. They should not be sought for and exported under special legislation. He did not think such labourers necessary to the successful growing of sugar, and if any large planter insisted upon having them, he should be told that the colonists would rather be without him. He (Mr. Douglas) objected to special legislation for this class of people.

He expressed himself in favour of a system of municipal government, similar to that in vogue in Victoria and New South Wales, where districts received Government grants for roads which they were required to keep in good repair.

He was in favour of the Brisbane and Ipswich Railway being constructed whenever the work could be undertaken with justice to the colony at large. Until they obtained proper representation the House would not be justified in voting any loan whatever for public works. Additional representation was, in his opinion, to be looked for and obtained first, before any large expenditure was incurred for railways.

Upon this question the House should take its stand, and not submit to any further taxation until it was granted. There were more weighty matters than railway extension which required immediate attention.

Mr. Douglas then entered very fully into the Immigration question, and detailed at length the matters in dispute betwixt himself and the Government which had led to his resigning the office of Agent-General, and his return to the colony.

He narrated the treatment he had met with, and his experience at home of the duties which devolved upon him which he was expected to discharge. He had been placed in a false position, without adequate means at his command, and without even the authority to draw upon the Colonial Treasury for a single sixpence, and he was expected to fairly and fully administer a faulty Act in the face of contradictory orders, issued in the shape of short, sharp, thoughtless, and even reckless, telegrams, which confused, as well as annoyed, him, and which at length had the effect of bringing matters completely to a stand-still.

Having fully ventilated this grievance, and explained the nature of the harsh and unjust treatment he had been subjected to by the present Government, and having given his views respecting the proper mode of dealing with the immigration question, Mr. Douglas reiterated his opinions respecting the immediate necessity of dealing first with the matter of additional representation, and then obtaining the opinion of the legislature on the Polynesian question; and after that, passing a measure to make local works a charge on the district which derived benefit from them.

These three things it was his desire to see first accomplished, for upon those measures the advancement or retardment of the colony would greatly depend. Those important measures once passed he believed an era of prosperity and progress might be looked for, which had not yet been enjoyed by the inhabitants of the colony.

Mr. Douglas, then intimated his desire to answer any questions which any elector might feel disposed to put to him.

The CHAIRMAN here said that the candidate would answer any questions that might be put to him.

Mr. DONOVAN: Will you tell us, Mr. Douglas, whether you will take office under Mr. Palmer? (Cheers.)

Mr. DOUGLAS: I really cannot see why Mr. Palmer should offer me office. I have never worked with Mr. Palmer. He is not at all likely to offer me office.

Mr. DONOVAN: You have not answered my question Mr. Douglas; I want you to say, Yes or No.

Mr. DOUGLAS: I am not so presumptuous as to suppose that I am likely to be offered office by Mr. Palmer. In case I were I should not accept it. (Cheers.)

Mr. DONOVAN: Will you, Sir, support the Opposition policy in the Assembly?

Mr. DOUGLAS: I will not support either party. I have told you I am not a party man. I shall go in determined to devote my energies to carrying out certain great principles which I have endeavoured to give you an outline of to-night. But you must leave me at liberty to exercise my own judgment. To give a pledge to support any party I will never consent. (Disapprobation.) I hardly know what the Opposition policy may mean, but I will support the principles I have put forward this evening.

Mr. DONOVAN: Have you read the protest of the fifteen members against the adjournment of the House? (Cheers.)

Mr. DOUGLAS: No. [A voice: "you ought to have"—great laughter.] But I thoroughly disapprove of such a stretch of power on the part of the Government, and the dissolution that followed is equally to be condemned. (Cheers.)

Mr. JOHN CAMERON: Mr. Douglas, I have here Mr. Lilley's address to the electors of Fortitude Valley. It contains the seven articles of the Opposition policy. May I ask if you have read it?

Mr. DOUGLAS: No.

Mr. CAMERON [handing it up]: Will you be good enough to read it now? (Tremendous cheering.)

Mr. DOUGLAS, who found a difficulty in reading, owing to his near-sightedness, said that he thought it a very excellent address, and would support the general outlines of such a policy.

An ELECTOR in the body of the hall, here asked Mr. Douglas if he was in favour of free selection.

Mr. DOUGLAS: Certainly. I have fought two election battles for Jack Robertson in bygone days on that point. (Cheers.)

An ELECTOR: Are you in favour of the railway?

Mr. DOUGLAS: The time will come when the railway must be made if the people wish for it. But I shall oppose any loan expenditure that will necessitate extra taxation until the representation is improved.

Mr. HADDEN: Supposing, sir, that Mr. Palmer, with his large majority, refuses to grant a fair reform of the representation on the basis of population, would you assist the Opposition in stopping the supplies?

Mr. DOUGLAS: I would. (Loud cheers.)

In reply to other questions,

Mr. DOUGLAS said he had always refused to tie himself down to any party; and he would sooner never sit in the Assembly than do so. If they, from his past career, could not trust to his judgment, he regretted it; but he would not give any such decided pledge as was asked for.

Mr. DONOVAN said he was ready to make the amende to Mr. Douglas on account of his one pledge to stop the supplies, and he would move a vote of confidence in him.

Mr. DOUGLAS said it was better to move a vote of thanks to the Mayor for presiding, which he did; and the meeting broke up.

Queensland Immigration Bill - 2nd reading - June 1869

Immigration Bill — Second Reading

Queensland Parliamentary Debates, Legislative Council, Wednesday, 23 June 1869, pp. 378–388.

Full transcription, commencing with the Postmaster-General (John Douglas) moving the second reading and concluding with the House agreeing to the motion.

The POSTMASTER-GENERAL, in moving the second reading of the Immigration Bill, said the Parliament of Queensland had always been remarkable for its endeavors, by legislation, to attract a good and wholesome stream of European immigration to the colony; and in such legislation had always exhibited a wish that the population so brought into the colony should be settled throughout the territory.

Shortly after Separation, one of the first acts of the Legislature consisted of an attempt to attract a European population to the colony by offering a premium, in the form of a grant of land, to immigrants. As a field for immigration, Australia was placed at a great disadvantage as compared with other countries. The great colonies of America, for instance, were in a position to compete, advantageously for them, with the Australian colonies. While it only cost something less than five pounds for a passage from Liverpool or Cork, to Boston or New York or Montreal, in fast steamers or well-appointed sailing vessels, it cost more than fifteen pounds for a passage from England to Australia.

It had therefore been found that there was a great disadvantage in the way of attracting people to this colony, seeing the facilities of attracting people were so much greater in America than in Australia. The premiums, in the shape of land orders in Australia, had not been sufficient to attract the class of people who could not afford to pay their own passage. It had, therefore, become apparent—and it had been carried into effect by all the Australian colonies—that it was absolutely necessary to find some means of bridging over the difference between Australia and America, by paying the passage of immigrants who preferred coming to this colony.

Consequently, to accomplish this end, land orders were issued, which, at first, were made transferable, and were, therefore, a sort of currency; but, he was sorry to say, those land orders, in the process of transfer, were greatly depreciated. Still, they had the effect of carrying out the intention of the Legislature, and effecting the introduction of a large population. The success of the scheme might be attributable to the fact of their having an indefatigable immigration agent, who took up the work in a spirit of great earnestness and self-denial, and carried it on to the benefit of the colony.

That gentleman had no need to look back on his career as other than a success. Chiefly, the credit of that success was due to Mr. Jordan, by the earnestness he displayed in working out the system, and the influence he exercised by his lectures upon the people of England. Next in importance to the advocacy of Mr. Jordan, was the natural facilities for production afforded by the climate, which, when they became known, greatly induced immigrants to come here.

Another reason for the success of their former immigration scheme was the large amount of confidence that had been displayed by capitalists in the legislation of the colony. The result of that confidence was, that large loans were placed at the disposal of the Government, which enabled them to give effect to the land-order system—for those land orders had to be converted into money. All those reasons combined, brought about the success that attended their immigration system.

But it soon became apparent that there were defects in the land order system, which required to be met. Persons who had large interests in the colony took advantage of the land orders to accomplish their purposes, but their doing so was much to the disadvantage of the people of the colony. It therefore became necessary to contract the land-order system, and eventually it assumed a very different aspect from what it possessed when it was inaugurated.

Mr. Jordan twice crossed the ocean, and, as it were, appeared upon his trial, but on both occasions he succeeded in justifying himself. Now, he would ask honorable gentlemen to look at the result of that gentleman's labors under the land-order system, with all its defects.

He found that the population of Queensland in December, 1859, amounted to 23,520, and up to the end of 1868 it had increased, according to the calculations of the Registrar-General, to 99,000. The census was taken shortly afterwards, by which it was proved that the calculations of the Registrar-General were correct. It was found by the census which was taken in March, that the total population amounted to 99,901.

It therefore appeared that during that decade something like 70,000 persons had been introduced into the colony. No doubt a considerable number came from the neighboring colonies, but the total number that arrived in the colony from Europe probably amounted to about 55,000 people; and that, he thought, might be considered a rather remarkable thing.

Now it would be his duty to call the attention of honorable gentlemen to certain facts, as to how the people were occupied—to what they had done, and were likely to do. Quoting from the last published "Statistical Register of Queensland"—and he was sorry he was not in a position to give the latest calculations—the population amounted, as he had stated, to 99,000; the total extent of land under cultivation amounted to 31,829 acres—which was a very considerable increase on the acreage under cultivation during the previous year. The increase amounted to 7,126 acres.

Now, that fact might fairly be accepted as an indication that the people were stirring themselves greatly in the direction of agricultural pursuits. Those agricultural pursuits were, in Queensland, of a very varied character. The land under wheat cultivation amounted to 2,637 acres; under maize, the large extent of 10,508 acres; sugar, according to the return he held in his hand, 1,912 acres; but he could inform honorable gentlemen that over 3,000 acres were now under cultivation with sugar-cane. In 1867, there were 8,149 acres under cotton cultivation; but now, the acreage amounted to at least 11,000 acres.

At page 14 of the last published "Statistical Register," there was a table showing the quantity, as well as the value, of the agricultural produce imported into the colony during 1866 and 1867. By that table, it would seem that the decrease of imports of agricultural produce in 1867, as compared with 1866, was remarkable, and showed that to some extent they were beginning to supply themselves with those commodities which they had previously been obliged to buy from their neighbors.

At the end of 1867, it appeared that the estimated value of exports and imports, stood thus: imports by sea, £1,747,000; and exports, £2,198,000. Here, then, for the first time, it might be remarked, their exports exceeded their imports.

Political economists, he was aware, had argued as to the value of such facts. Some argued that it was the most prosperous sign when the exports exceeded the imports; and that in a new country, such a state of things indicated a large amount of capital and enterprise as coming into the country. He was far from assuming that the exports exceeding the imports, should always be accepted as a satisfactory feature; but this much might be admitted—that the exports increasing, must prove that the producing powers of the colony were also increasing, and that commensurate profits were derived from the several productions of the colony.

The total increase in the value of products exported in 1867, amounted to £832,116 over the value of exports for 1866. That, he thought, clearly indicated that the colony was on the right road. In the same year, also, there was a larger quantity of wool exported than in any previous year. In 1866, there were fourteen million pounds of wool exported; but, in 1867, there were twenty-one million pounds exported.

Then, again, in 1867, there was an increase in the revenue, which was very remarkable, as compared with the revenue for 1866. The increase for 1867, as shown by the "Statistical Register," at the 17th page, amounted to £76,000; and the expenditure for the same year, though an increase, as compared with the expenditure for the previous year, practically amounted to a decrease of expenditure when compared with the increase of revenue. The increase of expenditure amounted to £23,000; but the increase of revenue amounted to £76,000.

Then, again, there was another important feature in those statistics. Though the revenue from general sources had increased so largely, the revenue from land, the most important source, had fallen off very much; not, however, that less land was sold, but because the value of the land had greatly diminished. The land sold in 1865 and 1866 amounted in value for those years respectively, to £218,000 and £191,000; but in 1867, it fell off to £69,000. Still, he presumed, a corresponding advantage was felt by the people of the colony, from the facilities afforded for the acquisition of land.

In the same year there had been a large increase of revenue from rents and assessment. The amount derived from those sources, in 1866 was £17,000, while in 1867 the amount increased to £156,000.

He was afraid he had rather trespassed on the time of honorable gentlemen in entering upon these dry details, but he had felt it necessary to refer to them in order to justify him in asking the House to assent to the second reading of the Immigration Bill; for he felt that without entering upon some examination of the condition of the colony, he could hardly stand up in his place and justify a return to a system of immigration which for a time had been rather overdone.

He would now wish to draw the attention of honorable gentlemen to an interesting fact connected with the subject of immigration. He found that in 1865, they were introducing into the colony population, by immigration, at the rate of 11,000 souls per annum from Europe. That was at a time when they had a population of 87,000, and the result of that was that the power of the country to absorb such a large immigration was greatly overtaxed.

However admirable a thing immigration might be for a new country, it must be conducted on a scale proportionate to the power of the country to absorb that population. Now it must strike honorable gentlemen, when he referred to the fact, that one country—the United States—could absorb a greater immigration than any other country. Well, during the year 1865, the United States received 250,000 immigrants, which was far less in proportion to the population of that country than the 11,000 received in 1866 was to the population of Queensland.

The population of the United States, in 1866, so far as he could make out from statistics, was thirty-five millions. Now the proportion of 250,000 immigrants to a population of thirty-five millions was only as 1 to 140; but the immigration to this colony, in 1865, was as 1 to 8. He would like to know what would be the fate of America if there was an immigration into New York of a like proportion, which would be about three millions per annum.

The immigrant population of America had to endure great hardships from the time of their arrival, till they were finally settled in their homes in the Western States. Honorable gentlemen would see that, if immigration to America were to be carried out on a scale proportionate to what it was in this colony in 1865, the effect would be something similar to that of an invading army.

He trusted he had made it apparent, from public statistics, to which honorable gentlemen could refer, that there were no grounds for the affirmations that had been made, to the effect that the country was going backward instead of progressing. In the view he took of the matter, every fact appeared to prove the contrary.

He now wished to direct the attention of honorable gentlemen to the causes of the depression that had rested upon the colony for some years past. What he now alluded to, was the remarkable contraction of credit which took place in the monetary establishment of the colony. He had a few figures which he intended to quote, on the subject; but before doing so, there was one fact to which he would like to allude.

It had been stated that the number of departures from the colony exceeded the number of arrivals. Now he found, on reference to the statistics of the Registrar-General, that the arrivals in 1868 exceeded the departures by 4,287. The arrivals during the year amounted to 13,382, and the departures to 9,895; showing a balance in favor of the colony, as he had already stated, of 4,287. The facts, as honorable gentlemen would see, were, therefore, all in favor of the colony, instead of being against it.

He had just alluded to one of the causes of what he must confess to have been a considerable amount of depression. Now he could refer to statistics, to the returns of the banks, as published in the Government Gazette, from which, he thought, it would be apparent that there had been a most remarkable contraction on the part of the banking institutions, which, to some extent, might account for the want of spirit which was at one time evinced by the community.

He did not say this with any desire to depreciate the admirable effects of those institutions. They were dependent on the functions those institutions performed for the carrying out of their arrangements; but he thought it was right that he should draw the deductions that could be fairly deduced from published and authoritative returns.

He found, from making a comparative statement of the assets and liabilities, as published in the Gazette, that the liabilities of the five banks established in Queensland, amounted, on the 30th of September, 1866, to £923,573; and two years afterwards, during the time the colony was undergoing a great reaction, and while there was an excessive number of immigrants flowing into it—on the 30th of September, 1868, the liabilities of the banks had increased by £229,376, making a total of liabilities of £1,152,949.

Now let them look at the assets. On the 30th September, 1866, the assets of the five banks, amounted to £2,250,221; but, on the corresponding date, two years afterwards, the assets amounted to only £1,978,545, showing a decrease of £271,676.

Again referring to the same subject, and extracting also from the same official returns the facts he was about to state, he found from a comparative statement of the capital issued, distinguishing that of the banks from that of the public, that the total capital belonging to the public, in the hands of the banks, in 1866, amounted to £888,891; and on the 30th September, 1868, to £1,118,925, showing an increase, in round numbers, to the credit of the public, of £230,000.

Then, again, he found that the capital in the banks, belonging to the banks themselves, amounted, in 1866, to £1,326,642; whereas, in 1868, it had diminished by half a million—the amount being only £825,595.

Now, the inference he drew from those facts was, that the colony had been subjected to an unnatural and, as he thought, unwise system of absorption on the part of the banks. That such had been the case was, he thought, apparent in every instance, and whereas the money deposited by the public had increased, the money invested by the banks had decreased; and all that had been done in the face of a marked improvement in the general industry of the country.

That industry might not have been very profitable, but it was evident that it had been put to a good purpose, so far as it could be tested by results. Now, he thought, on those grounds, and admitting that they had derived no great benefit from their immigration—admitting that that immigration had been overdone, it could still be shown that the country was in a sound condition.

If these 99,000 people scattered throughout this vast extent of territory, extending from the Gulf of Carpentaria to the 29th parallel of latitude, could do so much as they had done in spite of the unfortunate circumstances they had had to contend with, especially during the last year, from the fall in the price of wool, and other disadvantageous circumstances, surely much more could be done if the number of the population was largely increased.

It now became a question, however, as to how an increase might be made to the population without detrimentally affecting those in the colony who were struggling for an existence. Everything, of course, would depend upon the judicious manner in which the system might be carried out; and any system that might now be inaugurated ought, he maintained, to be conducted on a moderate scale.

He would now ask the attention of honorable gentlemen to the Bill itself, and especially to the general scope of it. Under the Act at present in force, but which this Bill proposed to repeal, the Government were authorised to spend £10,000 per annum on immigration. There were features, he might state, in that enactment, which it would be desirable to terminate. In its place it was proposed to establish a system different from any that had yet been in force.

In doing so, three objects must be kept in view; and these were—in the first place, to afford encouragement to persons who were prepared themselves to pay the cost of their own passages to the colony; in the second place, to assist those who were in a position to pay only a portion of their passage-money; and in the third place, to pay the whole of the passage-money of those who could not contribute any portion of their passage-money.

In the latter case, it was proposed that the immigrants should be required by the Government to give a security for the repayment of their passage-money; and there were provisions in the Bill which would be binding on them to repay the Government.

The three objects the Bill had in view was to attract paying immigrants; to assist those who were prepared only to pay a portion of their passage-money; and to afford facilities for entering into engagements with those who would bind themselves to enter into service for a certain period, and recoup the Government for the advances it would be necessary to make in their behalf.

Now, much would depend, no doubt, upon the manner in which details connected with the Bill were carried out; and he had observed that the late Agent-General, Mr. Jordan, had, in the other branch of the Legislature, said that much depended upon the appointment of such an officer, and his capacity for performing the work.

Mr. Jordan had affirmed that it would be of no use to appoint a gentleman to carry out the system, unless he was prepared to give effect to it, as he, Mr. Jordan, had done, by lecturing throughout the length and breadth of the United Kingdom. No doubt, when Mr. Jordan made known to the people at home the resources and nature of this colony, his lectures were very remarkable in their result, as he threw the whole energy of his character into them, and no doubt the success of the immigration system was mainly due to those lectures.

He (the Postmaster-General) did not say that it would be necessary for the success of the present Bill, that similar lectures should be given, as this colony was now becoming well known to those in the mother-country. What would be required would be a systematic and persevering explanation of the details of the scheme, to afford every information, and to exercise a very careful supervision over the class of immigrants sent out, as he believed that the success of the Bill would depend upon the discretion used upon the last point.

There were a great many persons, both in the United Kingdom and in Germany, who were anxious and ready to move off to a new country, and who might be acquisitions to that country; but there were also a great many in England who were burdens there, and whom it was thought it would be desirable to remove—they would not be very valuable to us.

Then there was another class, namely, persons having some little capital and experience, people who did not expect too much, and were prepared to rough it; who having once settled upon the land, would make up their minds to remain amongst us, and look forward to the hope of ultimately earning an independence.

Another class that would be of great benefit to us, was that of the agricultural laborers in the inland counties of England, who, as honorable members were no doubt aware, were receiving very small wages, and who would not be able to pay even a portion of their passage-money to this colony. They would do good to the colony, and also better their condition, and if induced to enter into an engagement to serve for a certain period, in the terms of the Bill, they could come here.

He would invite the attention of honorable gentlemen to the clauses under that head, and they would see that it was a new feature—one not tried before. The experience of many, at least, of some honorable members, no doubt, years ago, in hiring immigrants in England, was so successful as to encourage the hope of it being equally successful, if provided for by the Bill, and he believed that there were a large number of persons, of the class described in the clause, who would look with some satisfaction on the certainty of being paid a certain amount for a number of years immediately on their arrival in the colony.

The Bill also provided for the formation of depôts, and for forwarding immigrants up the country to places where they had been engaged, or were likely to be. He was happy to see that a movement had lately taken place in the city, to form an association in order to provide immigrants on their landing, with information, and to assist them in other ways; he hoped it would be carried out.

Similar institutions had been tried in Canada and the United States, and had been found of great use. There, gentlemen were appointed to receive the immigrant on his landing, and not only give him all necessary information, but, if desirable, forward him by the railways hundreds of miles into the interior, where he could obtain work.

There were one or two amendments which he proposed to make in the Bill when it was in committee, in the thirteenth clause and others, and he trusted that he would receive the assistance of honorable gentlemen.

He was quite sure that the honorable members of that House were anxious to contribute to the welfare and progress of this great country, and he believed they could not do so more than by passing the present Bill into law. There were some honorable gentlemen who, no doubt, would be willing to make suggestions and amendments, but so long as the main principles of the Bill were kept intact, he should be satisfied, as he was confident it would be an approach towards removing difficulties which now existed, in the way of immigration to this colony from other countries.

With those few remarks, he would now move the second reading of the Bill.

The Hon. T. L. M. PRIOR said, from what he could see of the Bill—and he had read most of it—he should be glad to give it his support. There were a few points, especially in the thirteenth clause of the Bill, which, he thought, required altering; for it seemed extraordinary to him that, whilst other classes of immigrants should have land, those brought out by their friends should have none at all.

There was, also, another clause which he would like to see altered—it was clause 21—where allusion was made to the proportion of emigrants "from England, Scotland, and Ireland, being as nearly as possible to the population of each of those portions of the United Kingdom respectively; and from Germany, not exceeding one-third of the number of those from the United Kingdom."

Now, in one of those places, emigrants might be willing to come here, whilst there might not be the same proportion in others. On the whole, however, he liked the Bill, the principle of which seemed to be that persons should promise to repay, in a given time, the money expended in bringing them to the colony; and should then be entitled to receive grants of land to the amount.

It had been said that persons would not pay back the passage-money, but his experience went to show that persons were nearly always willing to conform to the regulations, in order to obtain the land.

Then, again, with respect to clause eighteen, by which persons could be hired, and brought out here, and in which case the employer would endorse an agreement to pay to the Government the sum named in the original undertaking, between the Government and the person brought out, and, in the event of the servant refusing to pay, the person endorsing the undertaking would, after a certain time had elapsed, be entitled to receive the land order, without the conditions provided in another part of the Bill. That, he thought, was a very good feature in the Bill.

The great difficulty to him was, how was the stream of immigration to be directed? There were at present a great many men who complained that they could not find employment, but that was, he thought, because they required more wages than the times would allow, or were unfit for the work for which they applied; but, if the Bill was to be a boon, that would be met by paying considerable attention to the class to be brought out.

If they could get such men as those mentioned in the Bill, they would soon obtain employment; but if, on the other hand, the gentleman employed as Agent-General did not select the proper class, the Bill would only be detrimental to the colony, and there would be paupers unfit to meet its requirements.

He must allude to one point mentioned by the honorable the Postmaster-General, namely, when he referred to the late Agent-General. The name of that gentleman had been frequently brought before that House, and in other places, and he had been frequently blamed for the way in which he had carried on immigration. When these complaints were made, Mr. Jordan was not here, and then everything was badly done. Now, however, that he was in the colony, everything had been well done.

He (Mr. Prior) gave that gentleman great credit for the very great ability he had displayed, but he could not help thinking that when delivering lectures about the colony, he painted in too vivid colors the many advantages which could be derived from coming to it. Indeed, he had no hesitation in saying, that many persons were attracted to this colony who would not have come, had it not been for the way in which it was painted by Mr. Jordan.

He thought the effect of that was bad, as it would be far better to have immigrants who were prepared to fight their way through any difficulties, than those with high-flown ideas of what they would do here. He did not wish it to be understood that he was detracting from the value of the services rendered by Mr. Jordan, but his name had been so often mentioned, and he was now in the colony, that he thought he was only right in saying what he had said, and he believed many honorable members agreed with him.

With a few alterations, the Bill would be a very good one, and he should therefore support the second reading.

The Hon. ST. G. R. GORE said that, before proceeding with his remarks on the Bill, he would suggest that the honorable gentleman who had just sat down had labored under a mistake when he referred to the class of immigrants mentioned in the thirteenth clause, as, on looking on further, the honorable member would find that the fourteenth clause provided for those persons.

In respect to the general question, he might say that he had been much pleased with the statements made by the honorable the Postmaster-General; as not making such things much his study, he was under the impression that what was contained in the statistics quoted by the honorable gentleman, did not exist.

It appeared to him to be generally conceded that we required a large amount of immigration, and that any system by which it was induced should be as nearly as possible self-supporting, and should by its own machinery regulate itself to the requirements of the colony. He certainly should be most averse to importing immigrants in a reckless manner, and would oppose any Bill which had such an object; but the present Bill appeared to be fenced around with such regulations as to provide against such an evil.

Still, after all, Bills, no matter how carefully drawn, were but the work of human beings, and therefore could not be expected to be perfect; and he had, in perusing the one before them, seen a few objections to which he would revert.

The first was in the eighth clause, where they endeavored, by every practical means, to create residents in the colony. It would appear that the clause was so closely worded that it was not likely that there could be any escape from it, but he recollected the time when magistrates would almost give facilities to persons to take what did not belong to them, and they had no business to, and he believed that the clause would be evaded, however closely persons were tied by it, as there would always be found persons possessed of sufficient ingenuity to escape them. In fact, anything that could be done would be found ineffectual to prevent them.

He most certainly approved of those provisions in the Bill which related to assisted passages, and enabling persons to nominate such class of immigrants as might be required, but in the case of those nominations there would, he believed, be a great deal of trouble in keeping the persons nominated to their undertaking. They might be engaged on wages quite adequate to their expectations on first landing, and above those they could earn in England; but when they had been in the colony a short time, great difficulty would, he believed, be found in retaining them.

No doubt immigrants of the class referred to would, on their first landing, feel more afraid of defrauding the Government than they would a private individual, who had not the same means of enforcing the fulfilment of the agreement; and he feared that on this point the Bill would be found to have no effect.

Supposing that, as the Bill stated, the person employing could, in the event of the immigrant breaking his agreement, claim the land order to which that immigrant was entitled, that would be very poor compensation to him, as he conceived, that employers in such cases, were expected to pay the full amount in the event of an immigrant breaking his agreement. They would take care that the immigrants did not break their engagements, and, therefore, the caution of the Government was unnecessary, for, although the employers might have compensation, in the shape of land orders, it would, after all, be very small.

He had often thought that it would be a good plan if an immigrant, who broke his agreement, was incapacitated from recovering any wages for two years; he believed that that would have a good effect. For instance, a man might be engaged in Europe to come here for £25 a-year, and, on his arrival, find that a higher rate of wages was ruling—one ruinous to the employers—and absent himself from his engagement in order to get a higher wage elsewhere.

That had been his experience, and at one period he had been in the habit of hiring a great many men. He had always found the natives of Germany—to their credit let it be said—more faithful to their engagements than his own countrymen.

It must be quite apparent to those who knew anything of the colony, that one of the greatest things to keep it down was the enormous price paid for labor, and it would be necessary to reduce that price to make any occupation profitable. How that was to be done without a large population he could not see.

On looking at the Bill, he considered it was, on the whole, very good; and, although he had no doubt that honorable gentlemen would be prepared to suggest many amendments, he should give it his support.

The Hon. J. BRAMSTON regretted to say that he differed from the honorable gentleman who had spoken, in not being able to support the second reading of the Bill. His reason for opposing it was, that whilst he allowed the scheme to be a very good one, the provisions would be found inadequate to carry out the scheme.

It had been brought before them as a deliberated scheme, on which immigration was to be carried on in future. It was the result of the careful consideration of the other branch of the Legislature, and he presumed they had to accept it as what was considered the best method which could be offered to the public of England, to induce them to come to this colony.

Honorable members must look upon the Bill, in short, as an advertisement posted on the walls of the labor market in England, and containing the terms upon which people could leave England for this colony, in preference to Canada, or any other colony which was bidding against us, or we against them, to attract the surplus population of the mother-country.

He objected to the Bill in the first place, for the absurd manner in which it had been prepared. For instance, the people of England, to whom it was addressed, had a right to expect that we should tell them, in plain terms, what we required from them, and also what we offered to them. But on looking to the clauses 6, 7, and 8, he found that they were so intricate that they could not be understood by the class for whom they were especially provided.

They were, in fact, in accordance neither with common sense, English grammar, or, in many instances, English law. The eighth clause provided, amongst other things, that no person should be entitled to a Crown grant unless they had resided on the land for three years, and had fenced it in, &c.; and then it referred to something else, and instead of being split up into several clauses, was left an elaborate entanglement, out of which some immigrants could not possibly get.

Honorable members fortunately knew what homesteads meant, having met with the word so frequently in the Crown Lands Alienation Act of last session, which would not be, however, in the hands of the people of England. Therefore, the Bill offered to those people something which, by the terms used, was perfectly unintelligible. Men could not be expected to come to this colony unless they had placed before them, in plain language, the benefits which would accrue to them by their so doing.

The eighth clause was much longer than it should be—it was involved in its construction, was not English, and when it came into technical language, it made one of the most absurd blunders that he had seen in any Act.

He would refer to a few of the blunders contained in the Bill, beginning with clause seven, which provided that a certain warrant should entitle the person to whom it was issued, or in case of the death of such person, his legal representative, to receive immediately on his arrival in the colony one non-transferable land order. That was to say that supposing a young man died on the passage out, the benefits for which he had paid would go to the legal representative.

Thus, whilst the young man might have been full of vigor and strength, his representative might be his father—an old man who, in order to obtain the land, would have to come to this colony, and reside on it for three years; if he did not do that, the land order was useless. Now, he (Mr. Bramston) did not see why an old man should be dragged out in that way, and he trusted some explanation would be given by the honorable gentleman representing the Government on that point, in order to show that a man should be sent to a place to which he did not wish to go, and where he was not wanted.

Passing on from that, he now found that the non-transferable land order shall be available to its full extent, &c. Now what was that, what did it mean? He would ask honorable members whether it was likely or probable that a ploughman, from England, coming out to this colony, who scarcely, perhaps, knew his own alphabet, as was the case with most of his class, and whose education was not at any rate equal to that of the framer of the present Bill—a man who came out to make his fortune—was it likely that such a man would know the meaning of "full extent."

Then it went on to say that it was only available for the selection, as a homestead, by the person to whom it was issued, or, in the event of his death, to his legal representative in the colony.

Next came below it a most extraordinary part of the clause—"The person applying,"—to whom must he apply? No mention of that was made in the Bill—he could not apply to the bush around him.

The Hon. G. HARRIS: The land agent.

The Hon. J. BRAMSTON: Nothing was said about a land agent until some time after. Well, he had to make an application to the land agent, and after that he had to make a declaration before a magistrate. Was he to go before the magistrate by himself, or in company with the land agent?

Those might appear simple objections, but slight as they were they should be removed, so that the Bill might be made intelligible to the emigrant. He assumed that the fortunate holder of the land order had the permission of the land agent, and that he went before a magistrate to make the declaration, it was yet in the power of that magistrate to take it or not as he pleased.

He was made to say that the application was made for the purpose of actual settlement or cultivation. Now, that was the first clause, which stated what inducements should be offered to immigrants, and yet all those absurdities existed in it. He confessed that he had taken up the Bill, as a man would take it up, who wished to understand it, but he found on carefully perusing it that it would be quite absurd to expect an ignorant man to understand it; and if he could not understand the terms, how was it possible to expect him to come to the colony?

"And that said entry is made." What entry was it? "And upon filing the said declaration with such land agent, he or she shall thereupon be permitted to enter upon the quantity of land specified." Was there ever heard such nonsense? He thought honorable members would agree with him that he had quoted absurdities enough in that clause, and yet they were not one quarter of those which existed.

It went on to say—

"Provided however that no grant shall be given or title issued therefor until the expiration of three years from the date of such entry and if at the expiration of such time or of any time within two years thereafter the person making such entry or if he be dead his widow or in case of her death his heirs or devisees or in case of a widow making such entry her heirs or devisees in case of her death shall prove &c."

Now, under what principle of the law of Queensland or of England had a widow a right to the land. All she was legally entitled to was her dower, and if there was no will she would have one-third of the property, or one-half, if childless.

The Bill got worse and worse as he went on. As it stood at present, in the event of a man dying after having been on the land for two years and eleven months, his heir or legal representatives would have to reside on it for three years more before a grant was issued to them. Was there anything more absurd?

When he read down further he presumed that the document had not been in the hands of a professional man, as it implied gross ignorance of the words, "right" and "fee-simple." If a man had a fee-simple, no person could touch the property, and they all knew that—

"A tenant in fee-simple is he,

Nor need have to quake or to quiver;

He holds his lands free of demands,

To him and his heirs for ever."

Yet, in the Bill there was no distinction made between "right" and "fee," and the fee was to go—to whom? To the children? It could not do that; it could not be touched, nor could it even in the case of two children, but to the heirs-at-law. If there was a right, what was it—a personal right, or what?

The whole clause was a bungle, and he pointed all those matters in order to show that, whilst honorable members were told that the great merit of the Bill was to induce immigration, it was so involved that it could not be understood. They were told that it would ensure to the colony a stream of happy immigrants, who were to make fortunes by cultivating the land, but he failed to see that it would have that effect as it was now worded.

At any rate, they were told that the fee was to pass to the executors—to whom, as a rule of law, it could not pass; to infants—who were not entitled to it; and to be granted by the Crown—what could not be given; and by payment of deed fees—which they could not be forced to pay.

The clause went on to say, "Nothing in this portion of this Act shall be so construed as to prevent any person who has availed himself of the benefit of the foregoing provisions from paying the usual upset price for the quantity of land so entered for any time after two years and before the expiration of five years and obtaining a grant therefor from the Governor on making proof of residence and cultivation as required by this Act."

That was even more unintelligible than anything that had gone before. It applied to something about conditional purchases at the upset price, but what was the laborer to know about "upset price;" yet that clause was to be the mainspring of the Bill.

He would take the case of a laborer, coming to the colony with his sister, determined to work and live here, and having arrived at an understanding of the clause—let honorable gentlemen see what were the benefits offered to them.

The laborer came here, and, as many did, paid his passage; his object would be, not to settle on the land at first, but to work for higher wages than he could get in England. But what did the Bill say? If you pay your own passage and work for wages you get nothing.

The Hon. ST. G. R. GORE: Just the opposite.

The Hon. J. BRAMSTON: He could get it afterwards, but then what advantage would the man have in coming out under the provisions of the Bill. To him it offered nothing, and to his sister, who came out as a domestic servant, and would have to enter into an agreement to pay £16 in the course of two years, what did the Bill offer?

She, wishing to have a free passage, would have to pay first of all £1 for ship-kit—well, perhaps what she got was worth the money;—also the expense of going to the port of embarkation, and then two years afterwards £16. Yet that was what was called a free passage.

Every one knew that there was a great deal of trouble in getting good domestic servants, and yet to get them one must give them a "free passage" which they would have to pay afterwards. The whole thing was a sham, and that was one of the first things which had struck him when looking over the Bill.

He had spoken to several persons on the subject of the engagements of servants, and they had said, "Oh, but they will not keep their undertaking," and he believed that such would be the case. Now, the Government had taken every precaution to guarantee the morality of those coming under schedule 1 of the Bill, but it was not likely that the class desired would sign the undertaking. So that persons would have either to take an inferior servant or go without. That was another serious sham in the Bill.

Supposing a servant agreed to pay the two £8 instalments, what did the colony offer her? Why, forty acres of land on condition that she resided on it and cultivated it. That was what they were advertising in England to induce people to come here.

Again, on looking at the description of persons eligible for free passages under the Bill, he found engineers, engine-drivers, railway carriage builders, shipbuilders, wheelwrights, &c. Now, assuming that a shipbuilder paid his passage, what did he get? Why, the liberty to live for three years in the bush, and to put up a house.

But the shipbuilder did not come here for that, but to carry on his own particular industry—the one to which he had been accustomed all his life—then why offer to such a man the privilege of embarking in an inland undertaking of which he did not know anything, or of coming out here without any inducement. That was another palpable sham in the Bill.

Then on looking at clause thirteen, which referred to the nomination of immigrants, he found it was most ruinous. At the present time there was a very good system by which persons in the colony could assist their friends or relatives to come out—that system had worked well, and a great many persons had settled down in the colony who had been brought out under it. Under the present Bill, however, friends made themselves responsible for what they received no return.

The POSTMASTER-GENERAL: Will the honorable member look at clause fourteen.

The Hon. J. BRAMSTON: Under the thirteenth clause a man might bind himself to pay the money required, but would not get any land order; and yet the people thus brought out were of the most useful class, as had been proved by experience.

He would only allude to one other point, which was mentioned by the honorable Mr. Gore, and that was, with regard to employers engaging immigrants. The 18th clause seemed especially framed to keep employers from applying, as they could not go to a depôt and hire a man, unless they paid for the so-called free passage.

Now, would any person be so anxious to obtain a land order that he would go to a depôt and hire, it might be, a useless man for two years—for he could not hire for a less period—and pay the Government for the passage of that man before he could avail himself of the man's services? He would not say more, except that there was a charming candor about the last clause he had mentioned.

He should most decidedly vote against the second reading of the Bill.

The Hon. G. HARRIS said, under the circumstances in which they were placed of having an Immigration Bill passed as soon as possible, he should vote for the second reading, and would also make a few remarks on the Bill.

It appeared to him, in the first place, that the sum of £5,000 as security for the Agent-General was too large; that, however, was a matter for consideration when in committee.

The Bill, as it now stood, seemed to apply to the introduction of immigrants only from the United Kingdom and Germany; but he could not see why it should not be extended to the Australian colonies and to other places. There was nothing to prevent persons coming from New Zealand, Singapore, Java, Tahiti, and the colony of South Australia, and from other parts of the world.

They would be, for the most part, laboring men, and could come in sailing vessels for less money than they could be brought from England; and although the expenses would be less, he thought they should be entitled to the advantages given by the Bill.

There was nothing to prevent persons coming from Tahiti, Western Australia, or the South Sea Islands, where there was a large agricultural population settled, and engaged in the growth of cotton. Those would be very desirable immigrants; and his object in directing attention to them at that stage of the Bill was, that when the House went into committee, they should not be overlooked.

He would go further, and would like to see the Bill extended to all the Australian colonies. With reference to the grant of forty acres of land, he thought that it was too small, and might be increased to fifty, as there was plenty of land in the colony. It should also be extended to younger members of a family.

There was another point to which he would refer, namely, the lectures. He was of opinion that the Agent-General should be bound to deliver lectures, and that it should not, as was proposed by the Bill, be left to the option of that gentleman.

Reference had been made to Mr. Jordan, to whom he thought the colony was much indebted for the exertions made by him, and the able manner in which he had performed his duties. He only hoped they would be equally fortunate in securing the services of another Agent-General like him.

The Hon. W. THORNTON said he had listened with much attention to the objections which had been raised to the Bill by honorable gentlemen, and he thought that they were more of a technical and legal nature than otherwise.

The honorable Mr. Bramston had objected to the terms used in the Bill, on the ground that they were not such as the people to whom the Bill was directed, would be able to understand; but he was of opinion that those people would be in the same position in respect to any Act of Parliament.

He thought the difficulty might be overcome by having pamphlets published, which the agents could circulate among the laboring classes, explaining the objects of the Bill in a more simple and attractive form. He hoped that means would be found to get over the difficulties which now existed; as if the Bill was thrown out, the country would remain without immigration for twelve months, as it was not probable that the Government would introduce another Bill during the present session.

He quite agreed with the honorable the Postmaster-General, that the time had arrived when there should be a renewal of immigration; and the statistics, which had been quoted by that honorable gentleman, proved, that with immigration, the prosperity of the colony increased.

He wished that the honorable gentleman had gone a little further with his statistics, to show still more than he had done, the great necessity which existed for a larger population, for the purposes of developing the resources of the colony, and producing many things for the supply of which a large sum of money was annually sent out of the colony.

It appeared from the "Statistical Register" of 1868, that, in that year, there was imported £353,765 worth of produce which could be grown here. Of that amount, £189,530 was for flour, £31,679 for rum, £108,146 for sugar, £10,182 for potatoes, £1,655 for onions, £3,677 for hay, £2,170 for oats, and £6,726 for maize.

It had been mentioned by the honorable member that the quantity of wheat grown on the Darling Downs was encouraging; and he (Mr. Thornton) had no doubt it would be increased. Every one of the items he had quoted, with the exception of flour—and some time would elapse before the colony could supply itself with that—could be produced here, if there was only a sufficient quantity of agricultural labor.

He should support the second reading of the Bill, as he approved of the general principles on which it was founded. He believed it would induce a suitable and industrious class of immigrants—a class which would be most likely to settle on the land, and make the colony their home.

The present Act had failed to settle the people; and although it had been very successful in inducing persons to come, in other respects, it had been a failure. He thought that, so far as an individual with his £16 land order was concerned, the Act was a delusion, as it was impossible that he could do anything for himself on so small a grant.

It was only when the members of a family clubbed together that they could obtain sufficient land to settle on it profitably; besides the agricultural areas frequently comprised some of the worst land. The country was now, however, prepared for the reception of immigrants, as by the Land Act of 1868, the greater portion of the settled districts had been thrown open for selection.

He thought also that immigrants would be encouraged by the prospects before the farmers now more than they were two or three years ago, when they were looked upon as being in a most ruinous condition. They were now, he was happy to say, in a much better position; and from his own observation he had no hesitation in saying that they were in as thriving and prosperous a condition as any in Australia, or probably elsewhere.

The large farmers around Oxley Creek, the Bald Hills, and those districts, appeared to be a very superior class of men, if they were to judge from the various farmers' societies before which questions were very ably discussed upon theoretical and practical farming.

Then, again, the small farmers were, he was sure, succeeding far beyond the same class in the mother-country. They were principally Germans; and he could allude to the neighborhood of the Burnett Swamp, where they had taken up land with their orders, and, for a time, had been content to live in any sort of houses made of bark, and merely divide their properties by slight fences for the first year or so.

They had gone on prospering each year; and now, in place of the bark, they had nice shingled houses, and vines and fruit trees of all descriptions growing in their gardens. There were also other evident signs of their having succeeded.

The same might be said of the farmers on the Logan, after the first two years, during which they had to contend against all the difficulties attending new settlers; and they had now become contented, and made money.

He hoped that the difficulties referred to by the honorable Mr. Bramston would be overcome. On them he was not competent to express an opinion; but he thought that the Bill should be passed, as it was absolutely necessary that steps should be taken to promote immigration, for which the colony was languishing.

It was frequently said that there were already people in the country who could not obtain employment; but under any circumstances that was the case; and he believed it generally arose from their own unfitness or unwillingness to do any work.

The Hon. J. F. McDOUGALL could not allow the question for the second reading to be put without making a few remarks on the Bill. He had arrived at the conclusion that it was necessary to have immigration, and therefore he was inclined to, and would, support the present Bill.

Doubtless there were numerous inconsistencies in it, but when it was in committee they could be rectified, and it could be brought up in a better shape. It had been said that the Bill was not sufficiently liberal in its inducements, and with that he quite agreed.

It appeared that land was the only thing they had to offer to immigrants, as they could not give money compensation or a bonus in any other way than by a warrant entitling a person to a certain section of land. That being the case, he thought the quantity was too small; however, they could alter that in committee.

He wished to say in reference to the late Agent-General that his opinion was, and always had been, that that gentleman was a most zealous, energetic, and efficient officer, and that the Government would perhaps find considerable difficulty in obtaining the services of so good a man.

Whoever the gentleman might be who was appointed to that important position, he thought he should be compelled to lecture in England; as he considered that that was the only means of disseminating information among the class of people we required, who had no other mode of ascertaining the inducements offered, and who were not likely to take up an Act of Parliament.

As to pamphlets, persons would not take them, as there would be many who could not read them, or would not take the trouble to, if they could. He hoped that, when in committee, they would make the Bill as good as it was possible to be, and he should vote for its second reading.

The question—That the Bill be read a second time, was put and carried, and its consideration in committee was made an Order of the Day for Wednesday, 30th June.