Evening Observer, 29 August 1899, p. 8
A FEDERAL MESSAGE From Thursday Island.
Speech by the Hon. J. Douglas, THURSDAY ISLAND, August
28.
The Hon. John Douglas addressed a large meeting here on
Saturday evening on the subject of the past and present of Thursday Island,
with special reference to federation. His speech lasted for an hour and a-half,
and was received with enthusiasm. He commenced by reviewing the past records
connected with Torres Straits, from the time Torres sailed through them in
August, 1606, up to the time of the settlement of the Jardines at Somerset and
the transference of the harbour of refuge from Somerset to Thursday Island in
1877, with Mr. H. M. Chester as Resident.
Concluding this part of his address, he went on to say:—We
have grown, slowly but surely, and are now known all over the world as the
Northern sentinel of the island of Australia, and the centre of a thriving
local industry. He could hardly be expected to dwell on the history of the
years from 1877 to the present; but might revert to them at some future time.
He hastened to the culminating point of modern history now
before us—the question to be decided on the 2nd September—Are we for union, or
against it? Are we to be one people from Cape Leeuwin to Cape York? Is this
great island continent of Australia to be one country, already one by the
indissoluble laws of Nature—but why not rather say by the laws of the Great
Creator, the Ruler of events in the procession of human affairs? This great
country of ours, which during the last century has been won from primitive
barbarism, should we not seek to make it still more united by the closest
possible political, economical, and racial relationship.
Were we to err on our inheritance during the great reign of
her Majesty in the Victorian era? Should we accept this proffered priceless
gift, or should we reject it? That was what each elector would be asked to say
on the 2nd September. There was no doubt as to what would be the answer. He was
going to vote for the union of Australia, bound together indissolubly as one
people, inhabiting one country and one continent, which, by the help of God and
our good selves, we intend shall never again be divided. That was what he was
going to say next Saturday. That was what he was very confident the electors
would say.
So far back as 1859—that was before Thursday Island had any
being except as the inheritance of King Tarbucket, when he was standing for the
Darling Downs, then a part of New South Wales—he made the first declaration for
federation. He had stuck to the text ever since. It was not to be supposed that
he would forswear his first love in old age. He would stick to federation. He
would stick to union—union first amongst ourselves; union with the great
country whence we came; and union, too, with our kindred across the seas, and
in the United States of America.
He had once scandalised a Cabinet Minister, Lord Derby, by
an announcement of that kind in London at a public dinner. Lord Derby was the
guest of the occasion, and he (Mr. Douglas) had, in reply to a toast,
discoursed about union among ourselves in Australia. The theme roused some
enthusiasm among the hearers, but when he went on to speak of a union with our
kinsfolk across the Atlantic, the response was rather feeble. Lord Derby looked
very glum; nevertheless, he went on, and said that union among ourselves, in
Australia, meant a closer alliance with the States of America, and the
supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon race.
That was fifteen years ago. Since then there had been some
exciting episodes in our history; but things had settled down very much lately.
We have shown a really friendly spirit one towards another, which indicated a
lasting unanimity. His remarks on that festive occasion alluded to, which
aroused a fiery gleam of disapprobation from Lord Derby, would now probably be
received with applause as a very pardonable platitude.
He was not altogether in love with the Commonwealth
Constitution; there was much in it which he should like to see different. If he
had been born in New South Wales, and had inherited a special love of the
country in which he was born, he would have voted No, and would have done his
best to postpone federation until it could be accomplished on terms more
favourable to the mother State. Nevertheless, the people of New South Wales had
accepted the bill by such a majority as to leave no room for doubt that they
were willing to adopt it, with all its difficulties and responsibilities.
They were prepared to make some sacrifices in order to
attain a higher elevation in the status of nationality. That was the object of
the Constitutional Commonwealth which we sought to adopt. It indicated a new
birth. He did not say that, like the human apotheosis, it had been sown in
dishonour; but, like all the efforts of Nature, it had been accomplished, not
without some pains of parturition.
Might we not hope and anticipate that this constitutional
Commonwealth of Australia would be built up so to illustrate in all its wisdom,
strength, and beauty the splendour and beneficence of the Victorian era? The
adoption of the Constitution would be for us by far the greatest achievement
which has yet been accomplished in our Australian history, and a glorious
consummation in the closing years of the Victorian era.
We all had our peculiar notions of what this Constitution
might have been, what it might still be made; but there was nothing that should
stand in the way and enter a protest against the ultimatum which had already
been accepted by commanding majorities of the people of Australia. We approved
of the general scope of the measure, and anticipated the greatest benefit from
its adoption; but if sacrifices have to be made in order to attain this larger
life, had it not been the teaching of all experience that some surrenders must
be made?
Before attaining final victory, we must give up some portion
of our provincial autonomy in order to enter upon the higher form of
government, and expansion into national development. Speaking then on the base
of the subject, which permitted the fullest scope for local self-government, at
the same time bringing with it extra responsibilities, he concluded with an
appeal to them to vote for the bill, recalling an amusing contrast which
Disraeli once drew between the lower order of the human species and the angels.
He said there had been a deal of talk about the process of
evolution in the order of creation. Darwin’s “Origin of Species” and “Descent
of Man” had set people thinking. There was much controversy about these works.
Disraeli took advantage of this, and ranged himself on the side of the angels.
Mr. Douglas concluded:—“And so do I; I take my stand alongside those beautiful beings in their white wings and flowing robes, depicted in Dore’s great pictures. There they are, with their celestial countenances beaming in the glorious light of a rising sun, which shines full upon them, and I turn my back on those sad, doubting souls who have gloom shadowed on their whole aspect—the gloom of disappointment and defeat, which presages their final doom. You, too, I am confident, will range yourselves with the hosts of heaven, and will march with them from victory to victory, to the triumphant consummation of our Australian constitutional Commonwealth.”
