John Douglas nominating for Camden in December 1860

The Sydney Morning Herald, 20 December 1860, p. 3

NOMINATION FOR CAMDEN

The nomination for this electorate was held at the Camden court-house yesterday. The returning-officer, Mr. J. M. Antill, opened the proceedings by reading the writ, and stated that, though the electors had always taken great interest in the elections, they had done so in a spirit of fairness, and he hoped that the same spirit would be evinced on the present occasion.

Mr. JAMES K. CHISHOLM came forward to propose Mr. Oxley, and said that, though he had been a resident amongst them for many years, he had taken but a small part in political matters—not that he had not taken an interest in the welfare of the country, but because his tastes led him in a different direction. Mr. Oxley’s opinions were before the electors, and whatever the electors might think of those opinions, they must at all events give that gentleman credit for the straightforward way in which he had expressed himself. It was not necessary for him to enter into the imagined advantages that free selection was to confer—he should leave that task to the gentlemen who were its advocates; but those advantages were imagined to be so numerous that he wondered that the bill instead of being titled as it was, had not been called “A Bill to give everybody everything.” The only thing he regretted to see was the spirit of hostility that this measure had evoked between those who supported it and those who, in their consciences, were opposed in principle to Mr. Robertson and his proposal. And surely there was nothing about Mr. Robertson that should make a measure infallible merely because it came from him. And as to Mr. Oxley, he was not opposed to free selection (“after survey”). After survey, not unfettered by those conditions which the proposed bill would impose. And he would tell them that one, now in England (Mr. J. Macarthur), who was well known to them as a firm and consistent patriot, was strongly opposed to free selection. (“We will have him, but not his nominee.” “Though we bow to Gesler, we will not do so to his hat.”) He would not detain them longer, but would ask them whether they would prefer ignorance and incompetency, to education and ability? He now proposed Mr. Henry Molesworth Oxley as a fit and proper person to represent the Camden constituency.

Mr. W. K. ANTILL seconded the nomination.

Mr. JOHN BOULTON, who was received with cheers, said he had to propose a gentleman who was not only in favour of Mr. Robertson’s Land Bill, but was as out-and-out liberal, and prepared to support any measure for the good of the country. (Hear, hear.) The opponents of the Land Bill had said this country was not fitted for agriculture, but this was a great fallacy, and he was surprised, considering the state of farming, that so much wheat and corn was produced. (Hear, hear.) But he thought the sickness seen in our farming was owing to the system of letting land, for when men had freeholds they would not hesitate to make improvements, because the land was their own. But they would not do this whilst they held land on lease. (Hear, hear.) He thought that if the bill passed, they would be exporting instead of importing wheat, and that the country would be materially benefited. He had therefore much pleasure in proposing Mr. John Douglas as a fit and proper person to represent Camden in the ensuing Parliament. (Great cheering.)

Mr. THOMAS HAINES seconded the resolution.

Mr. HENRY BADGERY proposed Mr. John Morrice, and said that that gentleman was no stranger to them, and that all knew as well as he did how honest and straightforward and liberal a man Mr. Morrice was. He was astonished that the advantages of free selection had not been fully pointed out. Now he quite admitted that the principle would operate against him to some extent; but then, why should not the poor man have the same chance that he himself had formerly had? It was nonsense to say that a man could buy land, for he (Mr. B.) could tell them that, if he wanted a piece of land he went to the town with his eye shut, and bought at any price, no matter how high. The poor man would never have a chance were he (Mr. B.) wanted the ground; and for that reason he thought that the person who wanted land to cultivate, but who had not such money as the capitalist, should have a chance of getting it. As to the disputes that were talked about, there was no fear of them, because there was a provision made for settling all disputes by arbitration. Before concluding, he would wish to thank them for the honour they had done him in the requisition they sent him to stand for the district. He had not thought proper to comply with that requisition, as he had no ambition in that direction. At the same time, had there not been two liberal candidates in the field, he would have consented to free election before survey, he would himself, at any sacrifice, have come forward as a candidate, rather than see the district disfranchised.

Mr. HENRY DUNN seconded the nomination.

The OPPOSITION, who desired to give selection only after survey, said that if satisfied with the nineteen counties, they would agree to it; but it was well known that all the cream had been taken off those counties. The fact was that all the quarrel was about the squatters, and yet Mr. Robertson’s bill very honestly withdrew the squatters from the operation of free selection until after the expiration of the present leases. The secret then was this, that there were certain reserves in the unsettled districts over which the selection was to be exercised, and the squatters, having the use of these, did not wish to give them up. Then again, these reserves had been already mapped, and must therefore have been surveyed, consequently, free selection being confined to them, was not selection before survey. The runs were reserved from selection, and if they had not been so, he knew that Robertson and Cowper would have been scouted by the people of the country, for the men of New South Wales were so imbued with the spirit of justice that they would not have permitted an injury to be done to any class in the community. But these reserves were now occupied by the squatters, who paid nothing for them, and these it was proposed to throw open to the selection of persons desirous of cultivating. And why should it not be so? They had now all families growing up, they had all their children about them, and unless they had the means given them of owning they would find that the social evil that now was so much complained of in Sydney would soon extend to them. The only way of preventing this was by giving the people room to spread, and the adoption of a liberal land bill. In the early days of the colony, if a man only came here with ploughs, harrows, and the means of cultivation, he at once got a grant of land, and besides that servants to work it; then a price was put upon the land, and it had to be bought at 5s. an acre; then that price was raised to 12s., and afterwards to £1 an acre. And who had been the law-makers? Why, the large landed proprietors. That had been the reason why the price had been put on and afterwards raised, for they were afraid of the hard-working man getting a piece of land in any way. There was now a chance of getting this altered, and it was for the electors to say whether they were satisfied with things as they were now, or whether they wished a change; if the former, they must vote for selection after survey, if the latter election before survey. (Cheers.)

Mr. JOHN N. OXLEY said the principles of the gentleman he had to oppose were so well known, that he would be excused from dilating upon them. That gentleman was John Hubert Plunkett. He (Mr. Oxley) was of opinion they ought to have free selection—(“Mr. Plunkett voted against it,” &c.)—and said so at the last Narellan election. He believed it would be no injury to the country. (“Why propose Plunkett—he voted against it.”) He voted for it, and for all the liberal measures ever proposed in New South Wales. He had much pleasure in proposing Mr. Plunkett as a fit and proper person.

Mr. JOHN WILD seconded the nomination.

Mr. OXLEY came forward, no manifestation of feeling being made beyond a cry by an elector, “You see we are very quiet.” He said, although he had been told that he would not be heard in Camden, yet he had been assured that in throwing himself on the good sense of the electors he would meet with such a reception as a gentleman should receive, and as they should give; consequently, though he had never imagined that he would be greeted with rounds of applause, yet he knew that they would give him a fair hearing, and that was the utmost he desired. He was quite sure that under any circumstances the majority of the electors would give him a fair hearing. (“Yes, we will hear you, and vote against you afterwards.”) That they could do if they liked; all he wished was to vindicate his conduct, and if they would be patient for a short time he would not detain them long. He would now say that he had not taken an active part in this contest; on the contrary, he had allowed those opposed to him to promulgate all the lies about him that they thought proper. (No, no.) He repeated it, they had misrepresented everything ever he had said or done, and had done the same by the action of those with whom, when in the House, he had acted. (“No, no.”) He had not deemed it worth his while to reply to these attacks, because he knew when they had put the last stone upon the building, their edifice would be so unsubstantial, that the more material they used, the more easily would he be able to throw it down. (Cheers and “no.”) He would explain every portion of his conduct, and then when they had heard him and what he had to say, if they chose to believe his detractors in preference to him, all he could say was that he should be sorry for their infatuity, whilst at the same time he should take no further trouble in the matter, because he should feel that he had done all that was required of him.

[Oxley’s speech continues at considerable length on free selection, Robertson’s Land Bill and the Cowper Government.]

Mr. Douglas’s speech

Mr. DOUGLAS, who was received with great cheering, said they would understand the state of excitement in which he had been waiting, and would forgive him for saying he was rather agitated—(hear, hear)—upon stepping upon a platform upon which he was to receive his sentence. (Hear, hear.) There were certain duties and privileges they had to impose upon them, and also certain penalties. He stood under some disadvantages compared with the other candidates. They had all known three of these gentlemen. They knew Mr. Oxley, who had lived amongst them as a gentleman and a farmer, and had represented them before—(hear, hear)—and however they had differed from him on public questions, they must still entertain a private regard for him. (Cheers.) Mr. Morrice was similarly situated. He had lived twenty years amongst them, and all he possessed had been acquired by his own industry—(hear, hear, and cheers)—and he must therefore receive their sympathy. Another gentleman, who had been brought forward at the last moment, must receive their sympathy, whatever his opinions on public questions might be. (Hear, hear.) He had lived long amongst them, and was associated with them in public events, and was endeared to them all on account of his personal integrity. (Cheers.)

He therefore, a mere naked stranger amongst such men, known to them all, must feel somewhat embarrassed; but though they had not promised to receive his verdict, he trusted it would not be upon him. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He did not want to be politically extinguished,—let them not kill him, or string him up upon this place of execution. (Laughter.) He was young, and there were others fitter to meet their fate than he. (Cheers and laughter.) He was sure they would regret their fate; but if they gave him life for their death he would promise them they should not feel they had lost by so doing. (Cheers.)

Since he last met them at different meetings, the opinions of the country had been fully and freely expressed on this great question. Mr. Oxley had said that he should not have feared if the question had been put fully before the country. How could it have been put more distinctly than during the last three weeks? (Hear, hear, and cheers.) And what was the result? He believed there was no doubt of it—the verdict was this, that wherever there might be the cant term free selection—for he admitted there was some cant in the term—by which it was understood that every man should have the liberty and right to go where he liked and choose where he should make his home, so long as he did not interfere with any vested interest or promise given, the country had pronounced in favour of that free selection. (Cheers.)

And, therefore, he came there to bear testimony to this bill, which was not a subversive and revolutionary bill as had been stated. (Hear, hear.) He came there not to testify that in his belief it was a sound and conservative a measure as could be possibly passed. He knew of no right which it infringed. He had read that morning a speech made by Mr. Forster at Queanbeyan. He accepted that gentleman and Mr. Hay as the leading opponents of the measure. Speaking of the bill, Mr. Forster said that in all free legislation upon the subject of the land, it would be right to repeal all the old land regulations, as they were absurd. He (Mr. Douglas) said that Mr. Robertson’s bill was grafted on the old stock, and that in a good world some of anything that was not grafted on an old stock. (Hear, hear.) Were they not to make use of the experience of the past? He found the great conservative leader of this country broaching the most arrant revolutionary doctrines. (“The people would not have him at Queanbeyan.”) He was sorry that gentleman was not returned, and he would give credit to him for great earnestness and honesty of purpose. He did not think him wise, for he was devoid of that fine temper a public man ought to possess. No man should be a representative of the people who was not prepared to take rubs with a good grace. (Hear, hear.) He believed that it was the old English spirit; he was taught to cultivate it when he was at school, and he hoped to see more and more of it in this country. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. Oxley had asserted that the principle of free selection before survey was particularly upset by Mr. Hay’s amendment. (Mr. Oxley: “I said the principle was affirmed by passing the 18th clause with the amendment.”) He did not know anything of what was understood, but took it as it was before the country. (Hear, hear.) There was no sufficient definition given to the amendment to justify the House in accepting it, and therefore he said Mr. Robertson and the Ministry were right in going to the country upon it. (Cheers.) It had been asserted also that free selection after survey would meet the difficulties of the country. He said it would not. Free selection after survey here existed, and there was half a million of acres now surveyed and ready for selection, if any man would like to go and find out where it was. Therefore the principle had been tried and found wanting. (Hear, hear.)

What was the great objection made to free selection before survey? It was said, amongst other things, that it would destroy the great pastoral interests and the established interests of the country. He believed that to be an absurdity. (Hear, hear.) One-eighth of the whole territory of New South Wales would be thrown open, which was larger than many European kingdoms, and was not so suitable for pastoral as for agricultural purposes. In that portion a right had little having ceased, he thought Mr. Robertson would have been wanting in his duty to the country to have allowed it to have reverted absolutely to any individual except under a new title. (Hear, hear.)

As to the destruction of the pastoral interests, they could take Victoria as an example. True, they had not there free selection before survey; but for the last few years a large amount of land had been sold there greater than had been disposed of here, though the territory was smaller than that of New South Wales. They would suppose, if the reasoning were sound, that the pastoral interests there would be destroyed. But the pastoral produce had been actually increasing in Victoria, and stock was increasing in a ratio which was beginning to alarm the pastoral holders themselves. (“Using the pot.”) That might be considered as a safe guide, and as a proof that they would not be rushing on to destruction.

Some persons, too, objected to the bill on the ground of the difficulties that would arise as to boundaries, and said that the system of free selection would be experimental, and therefore why should we try it. He said it was not an experiment but had been tried in other cases on the gold-fields, and in the squatting districts, and had been found effectual, and could be worked without difficulty. Free selection had existed for ten years on the gold-fields—(hear, hear)—and he would defy any one to say it had not worked successfully. Of course disputes had arisen, and where could they expect a Elysian place for them than on a small spot of ground where untold riches were hid beneath the soil, and upon which thousands of men had congregated. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He did not say disputes and mistakes had not arisen, but the miners with that good feeling inherent in Englishmen where there was a doubt or a difficulty had appealed to the legally constituted authorities. (Cheers.)

And in the interior no squatting runs had been taken up except under free selection. (Hear, hear.) The squatters had gone out and taken up immense tracts of land, marking their boundaries; and he believed it was a sound system, and produced good results. Occasionally, no doubt, litigation had arisen after the decision of a commissioner, but that was only the exception to prove the rule. He would say now with regard to this free selection—“Beware if offences should arise out of this Land Bill.” (Hear, hear.) They might bear their opponents say, “The grand bill you have passed has done no good—why that upsets the whole system.” Let them not believe it. (Hear, hear.) He believed it was a true and good measure of reform. (Hear, hear.)

In all measures of reform there was not complete satisfaction. After the passing of measures of reform in England, there had been people who said, “We have fought for them and yet they are not fruitful of great results.” But they were not to be depressed by any passing difficulties—(hear, hear)—but would appeal to time to test the measure. (Cheers.) He said now, if they did so, they would find this a safe, great, and good measure of reform. (Cheers.)

There were men who had swelled majorities who did not understand this question, and who thought a home would be provided for them under this bill; but those who heard him, the hard working men, knew that this was a mistake and a most fallacious one, and that it would take hard work ere a home could be made. (Cheers and a cry “The poor man’s friend.”) He regretted deeply that in this election they had heard of the poor and the rich man, and of the capitalist. (Hear, hear.) He promised, if returned, that he would never soil his lips with the distinction of the poor and the rich. (Cheers.) He appeared there as a simple man amongst men (cheers); and he knew that if he justified their rights as men, that was all they would ask. (Loud cheers.)

The question of the Upper House was an important one. Even if the Land Bill was passed in the Lower House he had great doubts that it would pass in the Upper, unless there was a great deal of pressure. (Hear, hear.) There were prejudiced men in that House, blind to the interests of the country, and who did not possess the confidence of the people—(hear, hear)—and who would not pass the measure. Therefore, the question of that House was of equal if not of greater importance than the land question. (Hear, hear, and “Synod Bill.”)

He believed that the bill, so far as he understood it, for he had not read it, was intended to enable the Church of England (which laboured under some disadvantage in consequence of her connection with the Church at home) to carry out certain reforms necessary. He should not like to confer any power upon any one denomination not possessed by another. (Cheers.) He thought the Church of England here should be the Church of Australia—(hear, hear)—and, to carry out that idea, possibly it might be necessary to have an Imperial enactment.

On the question of education he might say that he had voted with a small minority on Mr. Cowper’s Privy Council system of education, and now his opponents were out of office. He voted for it avowedly acknowledging there were many things in the bill which ought to be altered. (Hear, hear.) One decided objection to it was that the Ministry for the time being would constitute the Board of Education for the whole country. That was also the case in England. Having voted for this system, of course he should be more inclined to vote for it again, for he believed it was fraught with good to the country.

He did not think education should be made altogether a question of schools. There were many forms of education not given at schools. The mere learning to read and write would not constitute a good education. To educate the people there were many other institutions, and one of them he should like to say a few words upon. (Hear, hear.) That was the Volunteer system, which in England had succeeded in arousing a great national feeling. When they found Lord Palmerston associated with a Volunteer corps, then they had an education and an institution for the people superior to many political institutions they heard so much about. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He should like to foster that feeling—a military feeling amongst the people; for he believed that no good could come to a free people unless they were armed, and that was the feeling in England. (Hear, hear.) That was not associated with a warlike feeling. Still men felt the noblest emotions of the heart nourished by the fact that they were prepared to die for their country. (Cheers.) If they sent him to Parliament they would never have cause to repent their choice. (“We will, we will!”)

He came honestly before them with no object to gain. It had been said that he came as Mr. Cowper’s nominee, but the charge was ludicrous. (Hear, hear.) He had had great pleasure in acting with Mr. Cowper, but he had never slavishly served him—(cheers)—nor would he do so. He would rather serve them than any man (hear, hear); but he did not forget the interests of party, and that to some extent he must merge his individual feeling for the sake of advancing some great object, although he might not agree with it in all its particulars. (Hear, hear.)

The other day a man took him by the hand after he had discussed matters of interest with him, and giving a warm grasp, for he was a brawny Irishman, and said “Sir, I hope you won’t deceive us.” (Hear, hear.) He hoped he never should. (Cheers.) He might not agree with them, but he should never deceive them. (Loud cheers.) The man said further, “We have had some representatives whom I believe in. I wear them here now, in my heart.” (Cheers.) He thought the man spoke feelingly. (Hear, hear.) If they pleased to return him, and one man here, afterwards, could say that he wore me in his heart, he should be satisfied. (Cheers.) No ambition could be so satisfactory in the thought that, by his conduct, he should be able to endear himself in their free hearts. (Loud and continued cheering.)

Mr. MORRICE, who was also received with cheering, said that at the last nomination he was a stranger to the most of them. Since then they had had time enough to know and learn what had been his course of life since he had been in the colony. (Cheers.) He had been here for twenty-six years. In the prime part of his life he had prepared the same life as themselves, and had gone through all the slavery of the colony, and knew their wants as well as any man in the colony. (Cheers.) He came before them to serve them truly if they sent him to Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The principal question before the public now was that of free selection, and it was now in their hands to decide whether they would have a home of their own, or be tenants to landlords all their lives. (Hear, hear.) He read Mr. Robertson’s Land Bill as soon as it came out, and considered it one of the honestest bills ever brought before the House. Their interest he studied there. (Hear, hear.) He respected Mr. Macarthur as much as any man in the colony, but was opposed to his sending in any nominee, as his (Mr. Morrice’s) interest was at stake as well as theirs. (Hear, hear.) He was determined, if no one else would oppose Mr. Macarthur’s nominee, that he would—(hear, hear),—and when he found no one else in the colony bold enough to do it, he came forward. He considered that the bill, whilst it protected the squatting interest, provided a homestead and freehold for every one who chose to take advantage of it, and opened out a field for emigration. (Cheers.) Queensland had established a pretty liberal land system, and Victoria also, and it was the duty of our Government to establish a more liberal one, so as to induce the people to settle on the lands, and others to come to the country. He did not deny that he was a squatter himself; and had a reserve on his own run. (Hear, hear.) He had no doubt they remembered that in the address he put forward last year, he was in favour of deferred payments, and that all the reserves in the unsettled districts should be thrown open to free selection. (Cheers.)

In answer to the question “Are you in favour of the Synod Bill?” Mr. Morrice said that if he went into Parliament he went to represent the whole and not a section of the community, and consequently could not support a bill not generally applicable. If they had anything else to ask him, he was quite prepared to answer it; but he had only to say that if they elected him they would find that he would serve them honestly and conscientiously.

He might however observe that the question of the maintenance of the principal highway of the colony was one of as much importance to the constituencies as any other that could come before the House. The matter had very recently come most pressingly under his notice, for having just come through Bargo Brush, he had found the road in such a dreadful state that he had really pitied both man and beast that had to journey through it—he could not say over it. The present state of the roads was a scandal and a shame, and showed more than anything the necessity for having in office practical men, instead of mere drawing clerks.

In answer to another question, Mr. Morrice said he went into the Assembly with a view to support the Land Bill, and support it he would, whether in the hands of the present or any other Ministry.

The candidate retired amidst loud cheering.

The RETURNING-OFFICER then called for a show of hands in favour of the respective candidates, which show he declared to be in favour of Mr. Douglas, Mr. Morrice. A poll was demanded by Mr. Oxley, when the returning-officer stated that the polling would take place on Friday, and that he would announce the final state of the poll on Saturday at noon.

On the motion of Mr. DOUGLAS three cheers were given for the returning-officer, three for Mr. Douglas, three for Mr. Morrice, and finally three times three for the Queen, after which the meeting dispersed.