MR. DOUGLAS AT WARWICK.
Warwick Argus and Tenterfield Chronicle, Friday, 31
May 1867, p. 2.
The Honourable John Douglas, the member for Eastern Downs,
met his constituents here on Tuesday evening, for the purpose of explaining to
them his reasons for having accepted a new position in the Government, and to
show on what ground he had acted in the matter. The Court House was crowded to
excess, and his Worship the Mayor (Mr. Morgan) was unanimously voted to the
chair.
The CHAIRMAN, in accepting the honour, said that it would be
unnecessary for him to say anything on the subjects about to be brought before
them, but would at once call on their worthy representative to address the
meeting.
The Honourable J. DOUGLAS (who on coming forward was
received with great applause) said that it was perhaps rather early in the day
for him to address the electors on political matters, but he felt it his duty,
in consequence of late events which had arisen, to explain to them the
circumstances under which they had occurred, and to show them the grounds on
which he had acted. He had been many years connected with their district, and
they could not but be aware of the deep interest he felt in its welfare. He had
the honour of being their representative in the New South Wales House of
Assembly, and, from being so long connected with the Eastern Downs, had always
looked on the district as more especially his own. He would claim their
attention in the few words he should address to them that evening, in order to
explain to them the exact position of political affairs, as he viewed them at
the present time. When he had the honour of being elected by them, unopposed,
some short time since, he went into the Assembly untrammelled with any special
pledges made to his constituents, and during the brief term he had been in
office he could safely affirm that he had done his duty with profit and
advantage both to his constituents and the whole colony. This was no mean boast
on his part, for he had the assistance of able and honest men to support him,
and at a time when the colony was placed in a most critical position. (Hear,
hear.) He need not inform them of the financial difficulties in which the
colony was placed when he accepted office as Treasurer; he, however, could
conscientiously say that he had not failed in any respect, so far as laid in
his power to fulfil the office faithfully. When Parliament met, the country was
in a most critical state, and the greatest anxiety was felt by all persons as
to the means which would be devised to release them in the best manner from
such a position. Unfortunately, the Government were, at the outset, met with a
direct vote of want of confidence; their measures were impugned, and some went
so far as to state that they were unworthy to occupy the place of Ministers;
and considerable distrust and disunion were disseminated amongst all parties.
Only a few days previously he had felt it his duty to tender his resignation as
Colonial Treasurer, but the only question on which he based his difference of
opinion with his colleagues was, that he considered one, if not the most
important, of the questions before the country. He referred to immigration. It
might not perhaps have been such at the moment, but it assuredly was, as
affecting the future general policy of the country. They were greatly in debt,
more largely in proportion to the population, perhaps, than any colony in the
world. His duty, therefore, was to devise means to meet their liabilities, and
the best mode of doing so. What was nominally a land order system had, in
reality, been so much money deducted from the Treasury, and, considering the
fact that there were even now in circulation £140,000 worth of land orders, he
could not, with that fact before him, consent to adopt a revenue which would
immensely increase that amount and detract from the income of the colony.
But he also disagreed with regard to the issue raised on
another most important point, which was, the propriety, at the present time, of
inducing a large influx of population under the land order system. His opinion
was, that that sort of immigration was at present overdone, and for the reason
that hundreds were leaving their shores, and he might say that hundreds remaining
could not find means of subsistence. (Hear, hear.) In the face of these facts,
and as it was well known that in the seaport towns there were some actually
starving, he could not conscientiously see his way clear to induce an increase
of population by offering the inducements of land orders. (Hear, hear.) He
frankly stated to his colleagues that he could not belong to the Government if
such a policy on that question were pursued. He was at once met in an equally
candid manner by his friend and colleague, Mr. Macalister, who admitted that
under the views expressed, he could not expect him (Mr. Douglas) to remain a
party to it, but gave him an opportunity to still remain in the Government by
accepting office as Minister for Works, and leaving him to express his opinion
on immigration when the subject was brought forward, thereby making that an
open question. In accepting the Department of Works, he felt that he was acting
right. There was no other party in the House which he could have joined. Could
he possibly have agreed with Mr. Pring, who stated that it would be one hundred
years before a population could be settled on the Darling Downs? Could he agree
with Mr. Mackenzie, who maintained that the colony is inevitably going headlong
to destruction. He believed nothing of the kind, but that affairs had arrived
at the turning point, and would, ere long, improve for the better. It had even
been asserted that he clung to office for pecuniary considerations, but those
who said so well knew that it was false. He had for several years been a public
servant, but had not yet held office for one year; and his detractors well knew
that his principles were never subservient to place. He, however, well knew the
power of office, and was fully aware of how much greater use he was both to the
district and the country by being in office. It was most essential that there
should be a Minister for Works, and he thought he could be useful as such.
There were large contracts being carried out, and very heavy payments to be
made, and which necessitated the employment of a responsible Minister; and he
could conscientiously and fearlessly affirm that during the time he held office
he had saved far more to the country than anything in comparison with the
amount of his official salary. On accepting the Department of Works, it was
held by a large majority of the Assembly that he thereby vacated office, and
ought to come before his constituents for re-election. Such, however, was not
necessary, and would have been a distinct violation of the written laws of the
country. It was specially laid down that it was not necessary; but in the face
of that and the adverse vote given by the Assembly, the Ministry felt they had
no chance but to accept it as a direct condemnation of their policy, and
advised the Governor to dissolve Parliament, as they felt confident that it
would be utterly useless to attempt to introduce any of the measures they
proposed, or perform any duties as Ministers until after an appeal to the
country. The Ministry would shortly appear before their constituents, and all
he would ask them was, that whatever opinions might be expressed, let them
elicit full particulars, decide the issue on their just merits, and give a
verdict accordingly. (Hear, hear.)
He would now refer to a subject which was of the very
greatest interest to them—the land question. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.)
When he last had the honor of addressing them, a Leasing Act had been
introduced, and would, it was supposed, confer the greatest benefit on them.
The Act, however, had not worked up to the expectation formed of it, although
he fully believed it would yet do so. The law was intended to forward the
introduction of both capital and labour to the colony; it had a dual effect, in
dealing with Crown lands passed at auction and also agricultural reserves.
Large surveys were carried out, and were still being made, to meet the
requirements of both small farmers and those who intend to cultivate on a large
scale, and combine stock farming with agriculture. Shortly after the Act came
in force a large quantity of land had been offered, and what was the result? It
was this, that the former purchasers under the preemptive system again became
the purchasers, and there was no infusion of new blood into the occupation and
settlement of the country. The result of late land sales, both in that district
and also in Drayton and Toowoomba, fully bore out his statement, that the
purchasers in preemptive continued to purchase. He did not say this in disparagement
of the purchasers, but the fact was plain before them that large alienations
were made in favour of those who had previously monopolised the land. The
result was that no satisfaction was felt by the people in the result of the
Land Bill, and if this went on, the whole of the Darling Downs would soon be
alienated in a similar manner. The question then for the Government to consider
was, whether in order to avoid this, and prevent this monopoly of choice lands,
there should be large Agricultural Reserves proclaimed. Such had now been done,
and the whole of the country lying on the east of the railway line to beyond
Warwick had therefore been proclaimed. The Government considered they had acted
right in doing so. This was no new-fangled idea or measure; it had for some
long time been under their consideration, and the matter had long been talked
of and agitated both in and out of the House; and the Government, in
consequence of the working of the Leasing Act, had considered that the time had
at length come when some decided steps should be taken in the matter. (Hear,
hear, and loud applause.) It had been said that the proclaiming of this reserve
was a mere political dodge, done in the face of a general election, and that
after that was over the proclamation would be withdrawn; but the Government had
no intention of acting so, and there was not the slightest chance of their
taking retrogressive steps in the matter, and he would pledge them on his honor
as a Minister of the Crown that such would not be done. He could also most
emphatically pledge his colleagues to this statement, and they had no intention
whatever on their part to step back one inch. The Government believed they had
done right, and that their action had been well considered, and was founded
both on justice and expediency. He asked the electors to take the Reserve in
which they were most interested, and what they did find? (A voice: “Lots of
sheep.”) True, a large amount of it had been especially purchased by gentlemen,
and small blame to them, who knew the value of that land. It was now about
twenty-five years ago since that country had been occupied and a succession of
occupants had made a succession of fortunes, throughout the whole breadth of
the country, from Eton Vale to Canning Downs. He believed they should not have
been so easily made at the public expense, it was a matter of policy which he
had ever opposed. Let the occupants of this land consider the favourable
circumstances under which, for so many years, they enjoyed the use of these
lands. They were now required for other purposes, and he trusted that the
gentlemen who had reaped so much benefit from them would not be so
unpatriotic—so selfish and so blind—as to stand in the way of the people, and
the progress of the settlement of the colony. (Loud cheers.) Those gentlemen
had largely availed themselves of their preemptive right; they were no longer
squatters, they were landed proprietors, and he sincerely trusted and believed
that, as such, they would now be willing to concede and grant equal rights to
others who have been placed in less favourable circumstances. Another class the
colony must have, if the landed proprietors were to be supported—yeoman and
small farmers. He recollected when in Scotland, a mere youth, he was even then
much impressed by a great gathering of tenantry to meet their landlord, Fox
Maule, the present Lord Panmure, and in addressing them, that nobleman said
that it was not of the extent of his landed property that he felt proud, but of
the farmers and tenants whom he had been the means of raising up around him,
and to support him. The was his boast, and he (Mr. Douglas) believed that such
might be the case with the landed proprietors on the Darling Downs. He
concluded that the richest agricultural lands, and the best watered were those
situated at the heads of creeks running into the Condamine, and although he did
not wish to refer to any particular persons or occupiers, he would ask where
was there a more magnificent tract of country in the whole breadth of
Queensland than Canning Downs? Ought the Government to alienate that country to
one or even six persons, when, he might say, hundreds should occupy it. (A
voice: “What about Goomburra and Gladfield?”) He would wish to see the
privilege which for so many years had been enjoyed by the present occupiers, or
those they had purchased from extended to all classes. It was said by some that
to throw open the lands would damage the credit of the colony; but he thought
that argument was most fallacious. To show the value of these runs he had been
informed by the hon. member for Western Downs (Mr. Watts), that in the sale
made by him of Eton Vale, that what he sold was the actual market value of
stock and the price of the purchased land, and that he did not consider that
any value was received for the value of the Crown Lands occupied. In accepting
this statement the landed proprietors had no right to say that in resuming the
Crown Lands any damage was done to the property, or that the credit of the
colony was in any way injured, and he might fairly assume that a handsome
fortune could readily be made out of the purchased lands on the stations
without any reference whatever to the Crown Lands occupied. Another point which
had to be considered was this, a large amount of money had been spent on
railways, and would still have to be spent in order to bring them to
completion; which amounts, however, he did not grudge in the least. He had
passed the previous day on the line up the Main Range; and he quite sympathised
with his colleague, Mr. Macalister, when he said that “he gloried in his
railway policy.” It was a glorious sight to stand on that Range, and, looking
over the vast area of country, to see the difficulties at that ascent overcome;
to see the engines come puffing up the Range with their trains of passenger
carriages and goods trucks. Of what use were railways without population?
(Hear, hear.) They would only be for the benefit of the few, and he believed
that by the reservation of the agricultural lands, a large population would be
induced to settle on the lands adjacent to the lines. Unfortunately many
colonists had left Queensland; but by pursuing a broad and liberal land policy
might they not hope to attract some of them back again, and also many in the
neighbouring colonies who would gladly come here to settle if a sufficient
encouragement was held out to them. (Hear, hear.) If they would show residents
in the other colonies sufficient inducements by liberal land laws, and they found
the rates of wages here were such as would conduce to their prosperity, then
people would flock to the colony instead of from it. (Hear, hear.) It had been
said—why, when the Reserves were proclaimed, was not the whole of the Darling
Downs included? (Hear, hear.) The principal reason was, that it was highly
desirable that a line of country should be continually settled on, and not
broken up in patches. There were already large reserves on the western side of
the Warwick line, at Felton and Clifton, and consisting of good agricultural
land, it being also well watered. There was a large tract of country extending
from Felton towards Yandilla and thence to Jondaryan, which was very badly
watered, and the most of it unfit for agriculture, and would have been no use
in proclaiming it. Should it, however, become evident that this was also
required, the Government would, no doubt, act upon that view. They must
distinctly bear in mind that it was imperative to realize on the land of the
colony in order to meet its indebtedness; this, at any rate, was no party
question. It was impossible that with the existing revenue they could go on at
the present rate without largely reducing the expenditure or imposing
additional taxation. He, however, believed that it would be utterly impossible,
even if fresh taxes were levied, to collect them; therefore to pay the
liabilities falling due during the next two or three years, it would be
imperative on the Government to sell as largely as possible the Crown lands.
(Hear, hear.) It would not be becoming on his part at that time to refer at any
length to measures which might be brought forward by the Government. He was
still their member, and as a dissolution was almost immediately expected, it
might be that he would shortly have to appear before them, to ask for a renewal
of their trust and confidence, and which he hoped they would accord to him. In
whatever capacity he came before them, whether in office or not, he could
assure them that in doing so, it would be with singleness of mind, and that no
opinion of his would be advanced unless he fully believed that it would tend to
the benefit of the country at large, and not merely to the benefit of any one
class in particular. (Loud cheers.) He hoped that the constituencies would severally
test those who might offer themselves as representatives. Let them not be led
away by promises, but test the candidates by their previous character. That was
the best test—general public character. If they could depend on their political
views, and could also feel satisfied of their public character, they could then
prove their confidence by returning them. He could safely say he had never
betrayed the interests of his constituents, and firmly believed that had his
advice been more acted upon, the district would have been in a better position.
They must remember that the whole prosperity and welfare of the district
depended upon their choice of representatives. He would, probably, before the
expiration of another month, have the honour of again appearing before them,
and on that occasion would afford them all information on the course which he
should consider it to be his duty to adopt. (The hon. gentleman then sat down
amid loud and prolonged cheering.)
Mr. C. CLARK said that there were several questions which he
wished to ask, and did he understand that Mr. Douglas was then in a position to
give answers?
Mr. DOUGLAS said that he was not there on his trial, being
still their member, but on his next addressing them would invite diligent questionings,
and should be most happy to give every information required.
Mr. CLARK thought that by 19 votes to 5 Mr. Douglas' seat
was declared vacant, especially as he did not vote himself on that occasion.
Mr. DOUGLAS still held his seat according to the
constitutional law of the country, and thought that, to say the least, it would
have been bad taste to have voted on a question which personally affected him.
Mr. GATSBORD, referring to an anonymous letter in the issue
of the Warwick Argus of that day, designated it as a despicable, unmanly, and
cowardly attack on a gentleman, and challenged the writer to come forward and
prove his assertions. He concluded his remarks by proposing a vote of
confidence in their worthy and respected member, the Hon. John Douglas.
Mr. CLARK would ask Mr. Douglas, when any questions relating
to matters of public interest could be put.
Mr. DOUGLAS: When the dissolution takes place.
The vote of confidence was then seconded by Mr. ADDENBROOKE
and carried amidst loud cheers.
Mr. CLARK proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which
was carried by acclamation, and the meeting separated.
