Friday, October 23, 2026

John Douglas addressing the electors at Warwick, July 1868

MR. JOHN DOUGLAS, M.L.A., AND THE ELECTORS OF EASTERN DOWNS.

Warwick Argus and Tenterfield Chronicle, Wednesday 15 July 1868, p. 2

Mr. J. Douglas, M.L.A., addressed the electors of the Eastern Downs on Monday evening. The Court House was crowded to excess, and his Worship the Mayor (Mr. James Morgan) was called to the chair.

The Chairman in a few brief remarks said that the meeting had been convened for the purpose of giving the honourable member for Eastern Downs an opportunity of giving an account of his stewardship, and he was quite sure it was unnecessary for him to ask that meeting to give a patient hearing to any person who might address them. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. Douglas, M.L.A., who, on coming forward, was received with loud cheers, said that it was now rather less than twelve months since he had last addressed them, when they had done him the honour to elect him as their representative. Not being a resident of their district, he had not the opportunity of becoming so well informed of many matters which had occurred, and were of deep interest in the district. There were many things of which he had been informed, however, not only from private correspondence, but also from the channels of public information. He had much wished to have been present at their Agricultural show, as at such times they could meet together in genial intercourse, and, as it were, throw aside all political feelings. In addressing them that evening, he did not come there to stir up any angry political feeling or animosity, but there were some plain truths which he must certainly bring before them. He would, however, first refer to the agricultural meeting, which tended in so many ways to the development of their agricultural resources. He congratulated the members of the E. D. H. and A. Society, on their successful efforts. He believed from what he had heard that the show was a success, and he was glad to see their esteemed friend, Mr. Deuchar, taking an active part in the society. If the residents of that district would only rally round, and aid the objects of the society, there would be no better one in the colony of Queensland. The district had long been famed for the choiceness of the stock raised in it, and it was quite right that such should have been at the show. From all he could ascertain their show had passed off quite as successfully as the Royal Agricultural Show at Dalby. He thought they should keep the head-quarters of that show at Toowoomba, it would in the long run be better for their interests, as Toowoomba was easily approachable from all sides. He hoped that their society would so grow and increase, that the Royal Society could make over to them all their land and properties. If the farmers, landholders, and proprietors united to support them, they would succeed in establishing the society on a sure and firm basis.

He had always thought and hoped that this would be the great wheat-producing district of the colony; why was it not so? It was not because it would not grow it, neither was it because money, enterprise, or perseverance had been wanting, but solely in consequence of the rust, which had been so prevalent as to have deprived many farmers of their entire crop. But they must not be disheartened, for if they could only produce wheat in large quantities they would add immensely to the wealth of the district and the colony at large. Rust prevailed throughout the whole of Australia, and the average growth of wheat in South Australia was but seven bushels to the acre. This ought to induce them to try some remedy, and the object of their society should be to give some attention to the matter, and try and find a preventative. As agriculture had been brought to a science of the highest knowledge, they might very fairly hope to gain some knowledge of the cause of rust in wheat, its cure and removal. Their future depended far more on these local matters, than on politics, and their welfare depended upon the development of the industry of the district. Scotchmen were acknowledged to be at the present day the best farmers in the world, but that very high farming was acquired from England itself, even ploughing was only introduced into Scotland about one hundred and fifty years back, and that too, by an English lady who married into a Scotch family. They should reciprocate the knowledge they each possessed on these matters, and by local agricultural societies, ascertain the best mode of farming, and thereby arrive at such a solution of the question as would tend to the permanent welfare of the district.

He would now go into the political events at issue since he last met them. They would remember that when they last elected him, he was then in office in the Government of Queensland, the election being the result of an appeal to the country on the land question. A majority had been returned to support their measures, when they suddenly found themselves, through the defection of one or two of their members, in a very uncertain position. He saw that Dr. O'Doherty, when addressing the electors of Brisbane, had also referred to the unparalleled position in which ministers had found themselves placed. Two of their supporters, Messrs. Pritchard and Pugh, had turned round on them, and Mr. Pugh actually wrote to Mr. Macalister, advising him to resign, believing that his colleagues in the ministry would be so mean and despicable as to accept such a piece of advice. Another gentleman took a like opportunity to desert us (name, name), he did not intend to withhold his name, it was Dr. Challinor, who gave as his reason that it was in consequence of him (Mr. Douglas) being appointed Minister for Public Works. This was the accusation brought against him, and he might safely say that he was not more incompetent than any Minister for Works who had ever yet held office in the colony (hear, hear), at any rate he had done his duty (loud cheers), and he should like to know if the present ministry had ever done so?

One of his first duties in that office, on discovering that Mr. Bourne, the contractor for the Dalby Line, had overdrawn his account, and that they had no power to compel him to complete it, was to cancel the contract, and put it into the hands of effective men; unless such had been done, the contract could not have been finished for twelve months. (Hear, hear.) And again with Mr. Fitzgibbon, who, in his opinion, was most inefficient; there was no lack of boldness or determination in his measures, but he (the speaker) found it necessary to terminate his connection with the Government, and did so. (Hear, hear.)

When Mr. Macalister found himself shamefully deserted by some of his supporters, he called a meeting of them, and it was agreed they should resign. He (the speaker), believed that, although they had only a majority of two, they should have fought it out; at any rate until they had carried out their Land measures, or until they had received a direct vote of want of confidence. He could not fancy a more humiliating position for a Government to be placed, and then the late ministry went out of power.

The present Government, without waiting for the verdict of the country, by a side wind, changed the whole policy of their land measures. The sham selections dated from the very first day the ministry came into power (hear, hear), and the result has been the system which has been carried out, and been so prevalent in this district. There had been no new law passed, a hint, probably, and then we saw a complete change in their policy. The previous ministry had proclaimed large reserves, and the policy of that ministry had been to afford every facility for the people to settle on the lands of the colony. But from the date of their entry into power sham selections came into force, and they had recourse to all sorts of, to use a very mild term, duplicity, and thereby gain supporters by enabling them, as it were, to rob the public estate. (Hear, hear.) It was never the intention of the people or the Assembly to allow the lands of the colony to be dealt with in the manner they have been, yet they found the Government prepared to allow of this, to gain a fugitive support, which will fail them shortly, (hear, hear), preferring thereby the fleeting support of a few, which he hoped would, ere long, fail them, (loud cheers), to the welfare of the people and of the colony generally.

A Land Bill, a good one in comparison with the present one, was introduced and partially discussed—no one liking to tackle it. They were determined, however, to take the wind out of Macalister's sails. If the bill had been passed in its integrity it would have worked well, and not have had such a miserable effect as it has had, more particularly in their district. The Colonial Secretary said, we wish you to worry a Land Bill, not to death, but into life. The House submitted this Bill to a Select Committee; every day the Government Printer had new clauses and alterations to make, and he must say in praise of Dr. Challinor that he was never absent from his place when the Bill was in committee, and gave his opposition to every clause of it. It was ridiculous to suppose that a Ministry could safely entrust such a bill, unless a tight and firm hand was held over those who directed it, but the result of their labours had been most unsatisfactory and inconclusive, and would be so, unless a Ministry had a defined policy from which they would not depart.

The sole advantage he could see in it was, that it gave homestead selections for a mere trifle. Numerous clauses of it his experience led him to totally disagree with. He knew it was said that it gave an opening for a new class of settlers, between the farmer and the squatter, but the administering of it had proved quite the contrary, and he was quite sure that it would be eventually found that it would be only a repetition of the dummying system. He was quite sure that as a way had been found to carry on that system, an equally easy way would be found to ride over the present regulations. He sincerely hoped there would be some independent men who would become proprietors of from one to five thousand acres of land, he should consider them as the most favourable men that could settle amongst them.

He must take that occasion of expressing his regret at the glaring and shameful manner in which the divisions of runs had been made, and in the lands which the Government had leased for ten years. That men who had occupied country for twenty and even thirty years, and after all claims had been satisfied, should be granted an additional lease of ten years, seemed nothing less than a crying shame. (Hear, hear.) He believed that such a measure should never have been allowed to pass. It was satisfactory for him to know that he had never voted for any less reserve on each side of the railway lines than ten miles; he would that all the members for their district had done the same. (Hear, hear.)

His attention had been specially directed to the manner in which the Act had been administered. There was no doubt whatever that the Bill was badly administered. They were told that pre-emptive rights had been given for improvements on freehold land, and that the country most valuable for agricultural purposes had passed into the hands of leaseholders. (Hear, hear.) He did not wish to prejudge the Minister for Lands, defective as all his acts had been, until he had ascertained certain facts, but if it was as it had been represented to him, it would be one of the primary duties of Parliament to enquire in what manner the provisions of that miserable Bill had been carried out. (Hear, hear.) He did not wish to make imputations unless he was prepared to prove them, but he would express his belief that the mal-administration of the Land Bill was even greater than was now believed.

There were two primary principles which must be carried out. He did not say that the mischief, if mischief there had been, was irremediable, there was no doubt but that during the short time it had been working, it had done immense wrong to that district, still some districts would profit. He would now for a brief time draw their attention to the mode he would attempt to remedy the evil. He would retain the homestead selections, believing that if men undertook farming on a small scale, and chose to go through the difficulties, trials, and obstacles, which presented themselves, let them do it, and every advantage should be thrown in their way. That was a principle that never would be upset. (Hear, hear.)

Then again, he was in favour of a return to the old system of sale by auction for cash. His experience did not lead him to think much of the system of deferred payments and selection. If full scope was given to the system of auction for cash, and which in other countries had proved so successful, he was certain it would work better. He would rather see every acre of the Darling Downs sold for cash, than the miserable manner at present in vogue. (Hear, hear.) What were the consequences of the present system? The lands were surveyed at a great expense; large portions were being given to station-holders under the pre-emptive right or on ten years' leases. Would it not be far better for them to have been sold for £1 per acre each? Where was the land revenue to come from if there were no sales for cash? and the question could not be looked at apart from finance.

With respect to the finance question, last year landed them with a considerable deficit—some £100,000 in the year's transactions. Mr. Mackenzie had also estimated that there would be one at the end of the present year—in fact, every year they were getting behindhand, and the total liabilities of Queensland were now about four millions; this is about four years, [made?] the expenditure about one million a year of borrowed capital. If they were to continue in such a way, they were bound to inevitable ruin, unless every man, woman, and child in the colony were subject to increased taxation; and he felt sure that no Government who had the brass to come down and ask to impose additional taxes would meet with any support.

Some remedy for this state of affairs would be the auction sale of lands for cash, and he should certainly prefer it to the present indefinite deferred payments. The question of the upset price of lands was a matter of great consideration. He would not sell any country lands on the Downs for five shillings per acre—it was a matter which might be left to any Minister for Lands to fix the upset price. In some districts it was quite probable that the lands would not be more than five shillings per acre, and for that reason he had determinedly voted against the upset price being fixed at twenty shillings. There was Mr. Davenport, himself a dummy, who would invest a great deal of money if he could only get a slice of the Darling Downs, and was quite prepared to give the twenty shillings per acre for it. He (the speaker) knew that some of the old landholders and leaseholders, especially those who had been playing their vagaries lately, did not like the foreign capitalists, but his best wishes were with them. (Hear, hear.) He only hoped they would stake their money on the chances.

Many were looking forward to what was called their resources to relieve them from debt; others seemed to think that a day of reckoning would never come, and that they could be as jolly as possible for the next few years. He believed that the present Government intended to ask for another loan in the forthcoming Session; the amount would be only a small one, and it would easily go down. His idea would be not to have one at all—that it would be better to defer the loan to a time when they could report more favourably of their prospect than at present. He should rather wait till they could show an excess of revenue over expenditure, as it would be more honourable and creditable to their present creditors.

Another thing was, they should not enter on any fresh public works under the assurance that they could get money whenever they liked. The habit hitherto had been to first accept the contract, and then to see where the money was to come from; the result of that system was that they had been compelled to sell their debentures at a great sacrifice. Let them look at Victoria, the greatest, most magnificent, and grandest colony in the world; and again at Tasmania, when after having surveys taken and plans prepared, applied for a loan of £400,000; they received the offer of more than a million, at only one per cent premium, instead of paying for it as Queensland had done.

It fell to his lot when Treasurer, and when the contractors were pulling at them, in order to complete contracts, to be compelled to sell at ruinous sacrifices; and he hoped no future Treasurer of Queensland would be placed in the same position as he was when holding that office. No contracts should ever again be entered into, without it being first ascertained how, when, and where the money was to come from to carry them out.

In conclusion, he might say, that he had always attempted to do his duty to the country and to them. He had certainly never followed out his own personal ends, neither had he sacrificed his principles to his profit, and so long as he continued to represent them he should do so faithfully. He feared that it might not be long that he should be permitted to remain in the colony; he could however safely say that he had never dishonoured himself or them during the many years he had been their representative. He should always carry with him a happy recollection of the country and their district, and hoped that others would look forward to perform the duties which he had endeavoured to perform in a perhaps feeble but never distrustful mind. (The honorable member resumed his seat amidst loud applause.)

Three cheers were then called for Mr. Douglas, M.L.A., and three for the Mayor, (Mr. Morgan), and which were heartily responded to.

Mr. Douglas proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which being duly acknowledged, the meeting separated.